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FROM
SLAVE CABIN
THE PULPIT
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
REV. PETER RANDOLPH!
THE SOUTHERN QUESTION ILLUSTRATED
SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE
BOSTON
JAMES H EARLE, Publisher
178 WASHINGTON STREET
1893
SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT
PREFACE.
IN giving the following sketches of my life to the
public, I sincerely hope that literary defects,
and errors of style, will be kindly overlooked.
Though I have endeavored to improve myself, yet
I cannot boast of an education, as my readers will
doubtless see. These sketches of my life, since
Emancipation, given in a simple style, illustrate, I
think, some phases of the "Southern Question"
They consist mainly of my own experience and
observation in the South and North, as a slave and
freeman.
With these biographical sketches, I have added
for preservation, a pamphlet of sketches issued by
me in 1855, on the "Peculiar Institution", with an
introduction by Samuel May, Jr. This little work,
which will be seen in the back part of the book, I
PREFACE.
desire to keep in print, for it has in it what I know
to be truthful information on the subject of Slavery.
Slavery, we say, is dead; but the rising genera-
tions will ask : What was it ?
To the children and descendants of that noble
band of Anti-Slavery followers, and to the friends of
humanity, I present these my experiences, in the
name of God and Truth.
Peter Randolph.
Boston, 1893.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER
PAGE.
I.
Early Life
9
II.
Freedom
18
III.
In Boston
28
IV.
My Friends .
34
V.
Church Work
41
VI.
In a Virginia Pulpit
• 56
VII.
Religious Condition
• 87
VIII.
Religion at the Close of -
rHE War
94
IX.
A Distinction
IOI
X.
Special Traits
106
XI.
In Many Fields
117
XII.
The Law
126
XIII.
Retrospect
• 131
XIV.
Some of My Friends
141
SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
Introductory Note . . . .147
I. The System 153
II. Slaves on the Plantation . . . 157
CONTENTS.
III. Farms Adjoining Edloe's Plantation
IV. Overseers .....
V. Customs of the Slaves when one of
their Number Dies .
VI. Slaves on the Auction Block
VII. City and Town Slaves
VIII. Religious Instruction
IX. Severing of Family Ties
X. Colored Drivers ....
XI. Mental Capacity of the Slave
XII. The Blood of the Slave
164
*75
180
184
191
196
205
212
2I5
218
SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
CHAPTER I.
EARLY LIFE.
WAS born a slave, and owned, with eighty-
one others, by a man named Edloe, and
among them all, only myself learned to
either read or write. When I was a child, my
mother used to tell me to look to Jesus, and that He
who protected the widow and fatherless would take
care of me also. At that time, my ideas of Jesus
were the same as those of the other slaves. I
thought he would talk with me, if I wished it, and
give me what I asked for. Being very sickly, my
greatest wish was to live with Christ in heaven, and
so I used to go into the woods and lie upon my
back, and pray that he would come and take me to
himself — really expecting to see Him with my bod-
ily eyes. I was then between ten and eleven years
old, and I continued to look for Him until I began
10 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT:
to feel very sorry that He would not come and talk
with me ; and then I felt that I was the worst lit-
tle boy that ever lived, and that was the reason
Jesus would not talk to me. I felt so about it I
wanted to die, and thought it would be just in God
to kill me, and I prayed that he would kill me, for
I did not want to live to sin against him any more.
I felt so for many days and nights.
At last, I gave myself up to the Lord, to do what
he would with me, for I was a great sinner. I
began to see the offended justice of God. O, my
readers, the anguish of my heart ! I thought the
whole world was on me, and I must die and be lost.
In the midst of my troubles, I felt that if God would
have mercy on me, I should never sin again.
When I had come to this, I felt my guilt give way,
and thought that I was a new being. Now, instead
of looking with my real eyes to see my Saviour, I felt
him in me, and I was happy. The eyes of my mind
were open, and I saw things as I never did before.
With my mind's eye, I could see my Redeemer
hanging upon the cross for me.
I wanted all the other slaves to see him thus, and
feel as happy as I did. I used to talk to others, and
tell them of the friend they would have in Jesus,
and show them by my experience how I was
brought to Christ, and felt his love within my heart,
— and love it was, in God's adapting himself to my
capacity.
After receiving this revelation from the Lord, I
EARLY LIFE. 11
became impressed that I was called of God to preach
to the other slaves. I labored under this impression
for seven years, but then I could not read the Bible,
and I thought I could never preach unless I learned
to read the Bible, but I had no one to teach me how
to read. A friend showed me the letters, and how to
spell words of three letters. Then I continued, until
I got so as to read the Bible — the great book of
God — the source of all knowledge. It was my
great desire to read easily this book. I thought it
was written by the Almighty himself. I loved this
book, and prayed over it, and labored until I could
read it. I used to go to the church to hear the white
preacher. When I heard him read his text, I would
read mine when I got home. This is the way, my
readers, I learned to read the word of God when I
was a slave. Thus did I labor eleven years under
the impression that I was called to preach the gospel
of Jesus Christ, the ever-blessed God.
Then I learned to write. Here I had no teach-
ing ; but I obtained a book with the writing alpha-
bet in it, and copied the letters until I could
write. I had no slate, so I used to write on the
ground. All by myself I learned the art of writing.
Then I used to do my own letter-writing, and write
my own passes. When the slave wants to go from
one plantation to another, he must have a pass from
the overseer. I could do my own writing, unbe-
known to the overseer, and carry my own pass.
My oldest brother's name was Benjamin. He was
12 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
owned by C. H. Edloe, the same person who owned
me. Benjamin was a very bright young man, and
very active about his work. He was fond of laugh-
ing and frolicking with the young women on the
plantation. This, Lacy the overseer, did not like,
and therefore was always watching Benjamin, seek-
ing an occasion to have him whipped. At one time, a
pig had been found dead. The little pig could not
tell why he was dead, and no one confessed a knowl-
edge of his death ; consequently, Lacy thought so
great a calamity, so important a death, should be
revenged. He advised Edloe to have every slave
whipped. Edloe consented, expecting, probably, to
prevent by such cruelty, any other pig from dying
a natural death.
Lacy, the tender-hearted overseer, with a heart
overflowing with sorrow at the great loss and sad
bereavement of Edloe's plantation, took his rawhide,
with a wire attached to the end of it, and gave each
man twenty lashes on the bare back. O, monster !
the blood was seen upon the side of the barn where
these slaves were whipped for days and months.
The wounds of these poor creatures prevented them
from performing their daily tasks. They were,
indeed, so cut up, that pieces came out of the backs
of some of them, so that a child twelve or thirteen
years old could lay his fist in the cruel place. My
brother Benjamin was one of the slaves so savagely
beaten.
One morning, Lacy — perhaps thinking piggy's
EARLY LIFE. 13
death not wholly avenged — proposed again to whip
my brother; but Benjamin did not agree with him
as to the necessity of such proceedings, and deter-
mined not to submit ; therefore, he turned his back
upon Lacy, and his face to the woods, making all
possible speed toward the latter. Lacy fired upon
him, but only sent a few shot into his flesh, which
did not in the least frighten Benjamin; it only
served to make him run as fast as if he himself
had been shot from the overseer's gun. For seven
months, he lived in the swamps of Virginia, while
every effort was made to catch him, but without
success. He once ventured on board a vessel on
the James River. There he was caught, but soon
made his escape again to the swamp, where my
mother and myself used to carry him such food as
we could procure to keep him alive. My poor
broken-hearted mother was always weeping and
praying about Benjamin, for the overseer had threat-
ened that if he ever saw him, he would shoot him,
as quick as he would a wild deer. All the other
overseers had made the same threats.
Edloe, not thinking it best to take Benjamin on
to his plantation (provided he could catch him),
sold him to another man, who, after he had suc-
ceeded in his sham plan of buying my poor brother,
sent for him to come out of the swamp and go with
him. Benjamin went home to his new master, and
went faithfully to work for him — smart young man
that he was !
14 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
Sometimes Benjamin would steal over at night to
see mother (a distance of ten miles). He could not
come in the day-time, because Lacy still declared he
would kill him the first time he saw him. He did
see him one Sabbath, but having no gun or pistol
with him, my brother again escaped him, thanks to
the mercies of God. Benjamin continued to serve
his new master, until he was suddenly bound and
carried to Petersburg, Virginia, and sold to a negro-
trader, who put him in a slave-pen, until a large
number of slaves were bought up by him, to be car-
ried into bondage further South, there to lead miser-
able lives on the cotton and sugar plantations. Ben-
jamin, my dear brother, left Petersburg, and I have
not seen him since.
Thanks be unto God, prayer can ascend, and will
be listened to by Him who answereth prayer ! To
him who crieth unto Him day and night, He will lis-
ten, and send His angel of peace to quiet his troubled
heart, with the assurance that the down-trodden shall
be lifted up, the oppressed shall be delivered from
his oppressor, all captives set free, and all oppressors
destroyed, as in ancient times. I know that God
heard the prayers of my praying mother, because she
was a Christain, and a widow, such as feared God
and loved his commandments. She used often to
sing the following hymn —
" Our days began with trouble here,
Our lives are but a span,
EARLY LIFE. 15
While cruel death is always near —
What a feeble thing is man !
Then sow the seed of grace while young,
That when you come to die,
You may sing the triumphant song,
Death ! where's thy victory ? "
With the above lines has my mother often
soothed, for a time, her own sorrows, when she
thought of her poor son, so far away from her, she
knew not where, neither could she know of his suf-
ferings ; and again, she would become a prey to
bitter grief. Her only hope was to meet her son in
heaven, where slaveholders could not come with
their purchase-money, where Lacy could not come
with his dogs, his guns, or his pistols, with powder
or balls ; neither would she have to steal away to
see him, with a little food well concealed. Neither
will Benjamin be obliged to crouch in the forest,
hearing the midnight cry of wild beasts around him,
while he seeks repose upon the cold, bare ground.
No, she will meet him at the right hand of the
Redeemer, who will wipe the briny tears from the
eyes of the poor slave, and feed him with the hidden
treasures of His love.
MY PARENTS.
My father did not belong to Edloe, but was owned
by a Mr. George Harrison, whose plantation
adjoined that of my master. Harrison made my
16 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
father a slave-driver, placing an overseer over him.
He was allowed to visit my mother every Wednes-
day and every Saturday night. This was the time
usually given to the slaves to see their wives. My
father would often tell my mother how the white
overseer had made him cruelly whip his fellows,
until the blood ran down to the ground. All his
days he had to follow this dreadful employment of
flogging men, women and children, being placed
in this helpless condition by the tyranny of his mas-
ter. I used to think very hard of my father, and
that he was a very cruel man ; but when I knew
that he could not help himself, I could not but alter
my views and feelings in regard to his conduct. I
was ten years old when he died.
When my father died, he left my mother with five
children. We were all young at the time, and
mother had no one to help take care of us. Her lot
was very hard indeed. She had to work all the day
for her owner, and at night for those who were
dearer to her than life ; for what was allowed her by
Edloe was not sufficient for our wants. She used
to get a little corn, without his knowledge, and boil
it for us to satisfy our hunger. As for clothing,
Edloe would give us a coarse suit once in three
years ; mother sometimes would beg the cast-off
garments from the neighbors, to cover our naked-
ness ; and when they had none to give, she would
sit and cry over us, and pray to the God of the
widow and fatherless for help and succor. At last,
EARLY LIFE. 17
my oldest brother was sold from her, and carried
where she never saw him again. She went mourn-
ing for him all her days, like a bird robbed of her
young — like Rachel bereft of her children, who
would not be comforted, because they were not.
She departed this life on the 27th of September,
1847, for that world "where the wicked cease from
troubling, and the weary are at rest."
18 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
CHAPTER II.
FREEDOM.
Y Master ! Carter H. Edloe made his will
six years before his decease. He said to
some of his slaves, just before his death,
that he had another will, which he had given into
the hands of a lawyer in Petersburg, Va., to keep
for him, but this will was never heard from. The
slaves knew about it, but their voice or testimony
was nothing; therefore, nothing could be done
about it.
I present that will here, together with the decree
of the Court respecting it, in order that my readers
may judge for themselves as to the intention of our
master, and be convinced that what I have to say in
reference to the manner in which the will was exe-
cuted is perfectly just, and warranted by the facts.
IN THE NAME OF GOD, AMEN !— I, CAR-
TER H. EDLOE, of the County of Prince George,
being of sound mind and disposing memory, but
considering the uncertainty of life, do make and
ordain this to be my last Will and Testament :
FREEDOM. 19
1st. I desire that all debts that I may owe at
the time of my decease, shall be paid out of the money
on hand or the profits of my estate.
2nd. I desire that my estate shall be kept together
and cultivated to the best advantage, until a sufficient
sum can be raised to pay my debts, should there be
any deficiency in the amount of money on hand and
debts due to me, and to raise a sufficient sum to
pay for the transportation of my Slaves to any Free
State or Colony which they may prefer, and give to
each Slave Fifty Dollars on their departure, either
in money or other articles which may suit them bet-
ter ; but should any of my slaves prefer going imme-
diately, they can do so, but they are not to be fur-
nished with money. It is not my wish to force
them away without their consent. In the event of
any of them preferring to remain in slavery, they
must take the disposition hereinafter directed.
3d. After the provisions in the preceding clauses
of my Will have been complied with, I loan to my
niece, Elizabeth C. Orgain, my plantation in Prince
George, called Mt. Pleasant, during her life, but in
the event of her marrying and having children, I then
give to her children, at her death, the said land, to
them and their heirs forever.
4th. I loan to my niece, Mary Orgain, my Planta-
tion in Prince George, called Brandon and Dan-
dridge's, during her life; but should she marry and
have children, I then give to her children, at her
death, the said lands, to them and their heirs forever.
5th. The rest and residue of my estate, of what-
ever kind soever, I desire may be divided into two
equal parts, and one part to go to each of my nieces,
Elizabeth and Mary ; and should any of my slaves
prefer remaining in slavery, I desire they may be
20 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
divided into two equal parts, and one part go to each
of my nieces, during their lives, and then to their
children, in the same manner as the landed property
is given, except my Household Furniture, Wines
and Liquors, all of which I give to Mary Orgain
during her life, and then to her children. Those
negroes under age at my death may have until they
are twenty-one years of age to decide whether they
will go or remain ; but in the event of but one of my
nieces having children, I desire that those children
have the whole of my property at the death of their
aunt.
6th. I give and bequeath to my female slave,
Harriet Barber, and her children (all of whom I
bought of R. G. Orgain, Esq.), Eight Thousand
Dollars, which sum I desire my Executors to take
from my estate, and either lay it out in good stock,
or put the money out at interest, always taking
undoubted security — the stock I should prefer — the
interest of which shall be paid to said Harriet yearly.
Should there not be a sum sufficient to pay this leg-
acy, either in stock or money, I direct my Executors
to sell my land in Southampton. Should that not
make up the deficiency, other land must be sold,
or horses and cattle, as my Executors may think
best.
7th. It is my wish that the said Harriet and
children should remain on my estate, or in any situ-
ation which they may prefer that the law will allow ;
and I direct my Executors to furnish Harriet and
her children with their Free Papers, whenever they
may desire to have them, and assist them to remove
to any place they may choose to locate themselves.
I do hereby appoint David D. Brydon, of the
Town of Petersburg, and John A. Seldon, of
FREEDOM. 21
Charles City County, my Executors, requiring them
to give no security for the performance of their duty.
I do hereby revoke all former Wills, this being my
last Will. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto
subscribed my name, this 20th day of March, One
Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-Eight.
CARTER H. EDLOE.
At a Court of Quarterly Sessions, held for Prince
George County, at the Court House thereof, on
Tuesday, the 13th day of August, 1844:
This last Will and Testament of Carter H. Edloe,
dec'd, was presented into Court, and there being
no subscribing witnesses thereto, William C. Raw-
lings, P. C. Osborne, and David Tennant, appeared
in Court and made oath that they are well
acquainted with the hand-writing of the Testator,
and they verily believe the said Will to be wholly
written by the Testator : And thereupon said Will is
ordered to be recorded. On the motion of John A.
Seldon, an Executor therein named, who made oath
thereto, and entered into and acknowledged a bond in
the penalty of One Hundred and Twenty Thousand
Dollars (the Testator desiring that no security
should be given upon his qualification), conditioned
as the law directs, certificate is granted the said
John A. Seldon for obtaining a probate of the said
Will in due form.
Teste, RO. GILLIAM, Clerk.
VIRGINIA — Prince George County, to wit:
I, ROBERT GILLIAM, Clerk of the Court of
said county, in the State of Virginia, do hereby cer-
tify the foregoing to be a true copy of the last Will
and Testament of Carter H. Edloe, deceased.
In testimony whereof, I have hereto set
22 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
r t my hand and affixed the seal of the said
I CTf A T I J
L '•» Court, this thirty-first day of August,
1847, and in the seventy-second year of the
Commonwealth. RO. GILLIAM, Clerk.
In Chancery.
DECREE OF THE COURT.
VIRGINIA:
At a Circuit Superior Court of Law and Chancery,
held for the town of Petersburg, at the court house
thereof, on Monday, the 24th day of May, A. D.
1847:
John A. Seldon, Executor of C. H.
Edloe, deceased, Plaintiff,
against
Mary Orgain and Elizabeth Orgain,
infants, by H. B. Gaines, their
Guardian ad litem, &c, Defts.,
This cause came on this day to be further heard
on the papers formerly read, on the reports of
Commissioner Bernard, and of the special Commis-
sioners appointed to consult the slaves of C. H.
Edloe, deceased, and was argued by counsel : On
consideration zvhereof, the court being of opinion that
the slave Harriet and her children are entitled to no
part of the profits of the plantation, and that the
several sums charged in the account of profits as
expended for them ought not to have been so
charged ; and adopting the correction of the report
in that particular, contained in the note of the
Commissioner, p. 1., doth order that the report of
Commissioner Bernard, with that correction, and
the report of the special Commissioners, be con-
firmed : And the court doth further adjudge, order
and decree, that the Plaintiff do, on or before the
fifteenth day of October, one thousand eight hundred
FREEDOM. 23
and forty-seven, as may seem to him best, discharge
from servitude all the slaves of his Testator ; that he
deliver to said slaves, individually or in families, as he
may think best, duly authenticated copies of this
decree, endorsing on each copy the name or names
of the person or persons to whom it is given ; that
the Executor, out of the money now in his hands
and interest thereon from the thirteenth day of March,
one thousand eight hundred and forty-seven, together
with the nett proceeds of the growing crop or such
thereof as may be secured, pay to the slaves, Robert,
Old Ben and Caty (who elect to remain in service
until the full amount of the provision intended for
them shall be raised), each the sum of Fifty Dollars,
"on their departure"; that he pay to each of the
slaves of the Testator who has remained on the
plantation, and shall so remain until the slaves shall
be liberated as herein directed, a sum sufficient to
pay for his or her transportation to such free State
or colony as they may respectively prefer, or provide
and pay for their transportation to such free State
or colony in such other manner as may to him seem
best : And the court doth order that the said
Executor do immediately, on discharging the said
slaves from servitude, cause them to be removed to
the free State or colony which they may respectively
select as their future homes; the court being of
opinion that it was not the intention of the Testator
that they should be emancipated and allowed to
receive the bounty provided for them, unless they
were removed by the Executor beyond the limits of
Virginia ; and in case the fund be not sufficient to
defray the whole amount of such expenses of trans-
portation, the same shall be divided among the
slaves, rateably, taking into consideration their ages,
24 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
place selected, &c, and that he distribute the resi-
due, if any there be, equally among all the said
slaves, without regard to age, and that he deliver the
slaves Sylvia and Jenny, who elect to remain slaves,
to the defendants, to whom they are bequeathed by
the Will of the Testator.
And it is further ordered, that the Plaintiff
settle before a Commissioner a further account of
his transactions as Executor, which account the
Commissioner is directed to report to the court,
with any matter specially stated deemed pertinent
by himself, or which any of the parties may require
to be so stated.
A copy — Teste, R. McMANN, S. C.
August 6th, 1847.
When Edloe died, he gave this will, which was
the one finally acted upon, into the hands of one of
his slaves, not feeling willing to trust any oneelse.
The Executor of the estate was John A. Seldon,
of Charles City County. The will stated, as will be
seen, that if there should be any deficiency of
money on hand, sufficient must be raised to pay his
debts, and transport his slaves to a place of freedom,
and pay each of them fifty dollars. Edloe was gone,
and could not act for us in person, so this deed of
justice was not carried out. Mr. Seldon interpreted
the will thus : We were to stay on the plantation
and work there till we had earned this money our-
selves, and then we were to be free. Meantime, he
took from us what the overseer had hitherto given
us, and took our earnings, too.
FREEDOM. 25
For six months, all knowledge of this will was
kept from us. I was the only one among the slaves
who could read and write. This I had kept secret,
for fear of the consequences. A friend, who
seemed very much interested in our affairs, showed
me a copy of this will, upon promise of secrecy. So
I read it, and remembered it all ; then he told me of
a lawyer who would be a good one for us. I com-
municated this good news to two of the older and
more experienced men of our party, and repeated to
them the substance of the will. They went to see
the lawyer, and he agreed to take the case in hand.
This friend knew how we were treated, and told
us it was very unjust and wrong. This lawyer's
name was James L. Scarborough, of Prince George
County, Va.
He first went to the bank of Petersburg, where
Edloe's money was deposited, and found out that
there were thirty-two thousand dollars on hand ; so
he was going at once to get our free papers for us ;
but soon he came to us again, and said the executor
of the estate would give him five hundred dollars to
stop the suit — but he would not stop it. But this
did not last long. We soon found that Seldon got
all our money, and could give him more than we
could ; so he began to put us off from one court to
another, telling us that the court did not have time
to attend to us, but the next would certainly settle
the matter. We gave him all our little earnings,
which amounted to twenty-two dollars, but he got
26 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
no papers. So he kept us for two years and six
months. When we found out the deception he had
practiced upon us, we felt very wretched indeed —
sure that we had no friend left, and should never
get our freedom, but were cruelly robbed of what
was our own, not only by right, but as an especial
gift.
Seldon used to come and see us when the crops
were to be sold, get the money for us (but we never
saw it), then go away again, without the least advan-
tage to us. At last, we took courage, and got
another man to exert himself for us. He was not a
lawyer, but a magistrate. His name was William B.
Harrison, the owner of middle Brandon. Though a
slaveholder himself, he got our free papers, and pro-
cured us a passage to Boston, after we had remained
three years and thirty-five days in unlawful bondage,
according to the laws of Virginia, to say nothing of
a higher law.
Instead of the fifty dollars we were each to receive
on our landing, we had fourteen dollars and ninety-
six cents apiece. All our money was taken from us,
because we were black people ; but glad enough were
we of our freedom.
We were told if we came to Boston, we should be
killed, or put in prison, where we should have to
work under ground or be obliged to drag carts all
round the streets ; but we were determined to try it,
live or die.
We came in 1847, and have not been eaten up
FREEDOM. 27
yet. And now we claim the fifty dollars, and
interest, since 1844. It was given to us by the man
we served while he was living, and no law or justice
can keep it from us, except by downright fraud.
Here are old people of the party unable to do much
for themselves, to whom this would be a great bless-
ing. Surely, the day is not far distant when those
base men will be shown up to the world for what
they are worth. The wrong they committed will not
rest upon those ignorant slaves, but will rebound
back, covering their white faces, but black hearts,
with infamy.
28 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
CHAPTER III.
IN BOSTON.
CAME to Boston on the 15th of Septem-
ber, 1847, in company with sixty-six men,
women and children, who were emanci-
pated by the will of Carter H. Edloe, the owner of
a large farm in Prince George County, Virginia,
known as the Brandon Plantation, as my readers
will see from the copy of the will.
In order to gain the freedom given us by the pro-
vision of the will, it was necessary that we should
leave the South, and seek a new home in the North.
Consequently, on the 5 th of September, we left our
homes, embarked on the ship known as the "Thomas
H. Thompson," in charge of Captain Wickson, and
arrived at Boston, as stated above.
It was soon noised abroad through the city, that a
cargo of emancipated slaves had landed at Long
Wharf. A large number of citizens came to the
wharf to see the strangers, and to congratulate them
on their new birth to freedom. Prominent among
these were, William Loyd Garrison, John A.
IN BOSTON. 29
Andrew, Wendell Phillips, and Samuel May.
These noble and patriotic men, who lived in the try-
ing times of the country's history, have all passed
away from the active scenes of life, and there are
but few left, who lived in their times, to tell the
story of their deeds.
Need I say, we were made welcome to our new
home, when we met such distinguished visitors.
The kindness and charity shown were more than we
expected. Permit me to say here, that John A.
Andrew, who was afterward elected governor of
Massachusetts, was one of my warmest personal
friends, and remained so until his death. As I
became acquainted with him he seemed to take great
delight in talking with me relative to my former con-
dition, and that of my companions. He was anxious
to hear the story of my religious conversion, and how
I learned to read and write. He became so familiar
with my spiritual convictions, and views of faith,
that in his last lecture delivered in Music Hall, Bos-
ton, while alluding to the subject of faith, he made
the remark that my definition of faith was one of the
best he had ever heard.
Many friends who heard the lecture, afterward
spoke to me concerning my definition of faith as I
had related it to Governor Andrew. I speak of this,
simply to show the noble spirit of the man toward
the unfortunate. I, born an ignorant slave, he, an
educated lawyer, yet he did not disdain to talk with
me on the great subject of religion.
30 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
After we had been visited by the distinguished
friends that I have mentioned, we left the vessel and
the wharf, and found ourselves promenading up the
free streets of Boston.
You may imagine our curiosity and elation as we
were introduced and looked upon the new scenes
that were about us. Truly we were in a new world.
Think of three score and more souls, blind as
bats — so far as the letter is concerned ; for I was
the only one who could read or write — coming
fresh, and directly from a Southern plantation,
empty-handed and ignorant of their environments,
and you will have some idea of myself and company
as we made our advent in Boston.
I will state here, if I have not elsewhere, that on
leaving Virginia, the lawyer, William Joins, who was
interested in us, gave us a letter of introduction to
William Loyd Garrison, the true friend of the poor
slave. On leaving the vessel some of us went to
the office of Mr. Garrison, which at that time was
located at 21 Cornhill, Boston. Here we met other
strong anti-slavery friends, whose glad welcome and
warm grasp of the hand — I imagine I can feel it
now — convinced us beyond a doubt that we were
among our friends.
Mr. Garrison and Rev. Samuel May, with others
of the Anti-slavery Party, were active in securing
situations for us. About half of our number, with-
out much loss of time, found places out of the city,
and the remainder in and about the city.
IN BOSTON. 31
Thus distributed, we had to work out our own
destiny with all the disabilities that the peculiar
institution had entailed upon us. Now, we had to
prove to the world, whether or not, the oft-repeated
assertion was true, "That the slave, if emancipated,
could not take care of himself."
Of course, in our struggles, many of us felt
sorely the need of an education in the midst of the
new surroundings. Many of the old ones passed
away from earth without realizing this coveted pos-
session. Though they were destitute of a practical
education, yet they were not ignorant of a personal
knowledge of Christ.
Permit me to return again and speak more defin-
itely concerning myself. As I have already intima-
ted, I repeat, by saying, that the little education I
possessed gave me some advantages that were out of
the reach of my companions. Knowing how to read
and write was of no little value to me, for it made
me more in demand, and assisted me in discharging
more effectually the duties I had to perform by
those who employed me.
My chief difficulty was not in getting much work,
but in getting much pay — I had much work but little
pay. I received a dollar and a half per week with
board, until I was employed at the fair given by the
members of the Anti-Slavery Society, in December,
1847.
At this fair I had the opportunity of meeting a
number of noble-hearted men and women, who
32 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
stood ready to help me in various ways. Also, I
listened attentively to the lectures and discussions
given under the auspices of this society. The lan-
guage and words used by some, in describing and
denouncing the slave power, were strong and uncom-
promising, yet the words were inadequate and
too weak to express the barbarity and cruelty to
which my brethren in the South were exposed.
As I listened and conversed with these earnest
men, I was impressed, also, with the idea that they
were not familiar with all the relations that existed
between the master and slave, though they were
well posted on the subject.
Another thing impressed me relative to these
debates, and that was, that there were honest men in
Boston — and some of them my friends — who were
in favor of slavery. They seemed to argue from a
property point of view ; they said that the slaves
were the property of the owners, and that the
masters as a matter of fact, would not destroy
that which they regarded as their legitimate
property.
At a glance this would seem to be a plausible
argument, but one familiar with the system as I am
could not take that view. I saw at once what was
the difficulty: the thing needed was more definite
knowledge in regard to the masters and their slaves.
This I felt I could supply from my experience in
the South as a slave. Accordingly, I was prevailed
upon to write and publish the little work, entitled,
IN BOSTON. 33
" The Sketch of a Slave life, or, an illustration of the
peculiar institution."
In this work I tried to set forth as best I could,
in plain and simple language, the true relation that
existed between the slave and his owner. Espe-
cially did I emphasize the point which seemed to
trouble many of my pro-slavery friends. I endeav-
ored to show that much of the cruel treatment
inflicted on the slaves did not come directly from
the masters, but from the slave-drivers or overseers,
who for the time being had unlimited control.
No one will doubt, that some of the masters were
inclined to be humane and have compassion on
their slaves, if not from the promptings of human-
ity, certainly from the property considerations. But
even if the master was kind, the overseers, whom
the law protected, and from whom there was no
appeal on the part of the slave, could maltreat
and abuse with impunity. The laws that governed
and controlled the inhuman institution were wrong,
and were the result of a depraved human nature.
The time will come when the great Judge of the
earth will judge between the oppressed and the
oppressor.
34 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
CHAPTER IV
MY FRIENDS.
N this chapter I desire to mention some of
the business men and firms that gave me
employment during my earlier struggles in
Boston. And it goes without saying, that the busi-
ness community to-day in Boston, is not the business
community of forty-five or fifty years ago, when I
came to the city. Many of the names I shall
mention have closed their final accounts on this
earth and have gone to join the silent majority.
If some of the prominent merchants of forty
years ago could be permitted to return again to the
active scenes of their commercial life, and behold
the mammoth and towering business blocks, cars
flying through the streets without horses, and see
their old aristocratic homes turned into dry-goods
houses, I imagine they would ask some stranger,
"What city is this."
I am pleased to say, there are still living children
and grandchildren of many of these old families, who
have been kind and thoughtful to me, because of my
MY FRIENDS. 35
long and intimate acquaintance with their parents.
I feel that I owe them a debt of gratitude, because
in the midst of these radical changes, they have not
forgotten their fathers or the principles which they
espoused.
I do not think it improper or out of taste for me
to mention some of these my early and life-long
friends.
There was the well-known firm of Joseph Dix &
Brown, the junior partner of which was Mr. J. C.
Elms, who is now the honored president of the Shoe
and Leather Bank, of Boston. I would also mention
the firms of Isaac Fenno, Michal Simpson, of the
Sackville Carpet Co., William Bond & Son, Mr.
T. C. Marian, the firm of Little & Brown, the
Boston Transcript, then in charge of Messrs. Henry
W. Dutton and Daniel Haskill, the well-known
merchant, Mr. Henry Callender, Mr. Morey, and
the house of Merrett & Mullen, Mr. Tiler Batch-
eller, of the firm of E. T Batcheller & Co., shoe
manufacturers, Mr. Chas. Adams, William B.
Spooner, and Ezekias Chase.
These are some of the firms and business men I
worked for years ago. Most of these had implicit
confidence in me, and usually trusted me with their
keys.
Many pleasant anecdotes might be related in con-
nection with some of these. And here I will return
and speak of a few in detail.
During my engagement with Mr. C. Marian, I
36 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
must say, I knew little or nothing about how busi-
ness should be conducted, I was as green as a cucum-
ber, but was instructed by one of the clerks, Mr.
Baker, to make a deposit at the bank. On entering
the bank I handed over to the Cashier the money
and book, who took the same, and said that it was
all right, and kept the book. I was much perplexed
and excited because he had taken the money and
did not return the book. In my perplexed condition
I hastened back to the office and began to relate my
story, how the bank man had possession of the
money and book, and refused to return the book of
deposit. I thought sure the cashier had taken
advantage of me.
When Mr. Baker and the other clerks saw my
earnestness and excited condition about the matter
they began to laugh, and rather enjoyed it at my
expense, but Mr. Baker explained to me afterward
that he forgot to tell me, that it was time for the
book to be posted, and the cashier kept it for that
purpose. These gentlemen have stepped off the
stage of action, but their memory to me is frought
with nothing but kindness.
While employed with the firm of Little &
Brown, the latter manifested his interest in me by
securing for me the janitorship of Harvard College
buildings. He urged me to take the situation, but I
refused, because I did not feel myself competent to
assume such a place and responsibility.
Years after I left the Transcript office, Mr. Henry
MY FRIENDS. 37
Dutton, or some of the family, would always remind
me of Thanksgiving, by seeing to it that I had the
typical New England dinner — "turkey with fixings."
Mr. Daniel Haskill, of the Transcript, was a great
help to me in getting my little book — "Sketches of
Slave Life" — before the public. He gave publicity
to it through the columns of his paper, and said in
his editorial, that he "had seen more in the little
pamphlet, than he had read in volumes on the sub-
ject of slavery." From this announcement there
was a great demand for my little book, and I was
compelled to issue a second edition.
Mr. Henry Callender, of whom I spoke, and
whose family has remained among my warmest
friends, was also much help to me in my work at
Richmond, Va., among the freedmen, at the close of
the war ; of which I shall speak later.
The way in which I got acquainted with Mr.
Frank Merrett, of the firm of Merrett & Mullen,
was a little singular. He wanted a man to work for
him, and Mr. W B. Morey, with whom I was
engaged, recommended me. We talked the matter
over, and came to an agreement. Finally, he
remarked, that as he did not know rne, he wished me
to come to his house every morning and get the keys.
This gave me the impression that he did not want
to trust me with the keys over night. And I said
to him, " Sir, I try to act on the square with all man-
kind." He looked sharply at me, and said, "Are
you a mason?" I answered in the affirmative. He
38 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
said nothing more, but gave me the keys to carry
day and night.
I gave a lecture in one of the colored churches,
on "the Misery and Folly of Idleness." Mr. Merrett
made it convenient to come and hear me. After-
ward, whenever in his store he saw a place where
the feather-duster did not reach, or a stray cobweb
about, he would remind me of that lecture, intimat-
ing that I should practice what I preached. Mr.
Merrett was thoughtful and kind to me. And
though a Universalist, he was a true friend to the
poor and the oppressed.
During my stay with Mr. Tiler Batcheller, Mr.
Charles Adams, whom I have already mentioned in
the list of my friends, asked me to wash up his
floor. He inquired how much I wanted for the
same.
I told him I wanted three dollars a day. " Why ! "
said he, "Deacon (for that was the name they called
me), "that is as much as they get in the legislature."
Again I reminded him that my work was worth
more. Mr. Adams was a member of the legislature
and often joked me, because I said that I was worth
more per day scrubbing floors, than he was in mak-
ing laws for the state of Massachusetts. He was
afterward elected State treasurer, but continued
my warm friend. Oh, how happily I recall those
good old times, of friendship and good will.
Among my list of friends I must not forget to
mention Messrs. Fredrick and George Batcheller,
MY FRIENDS. 39
who took much interest in me and always stood
ready to help me.
At the memorial meeting held by the merchants
of Boston, in honor of Mr. Geo. Batcheller, I was one
of the number that was to make an address. Of
course most of the gentlemen assembled were mer-
chants, prominent and successful. I, though a
colored man, with humble occupation and the only
one among them, felt and sympathized with them
on account of the loss of a valuable friend.
Those who spoke had their notes with them.
And doubtless I may have had some of that feeling
that accompanies a strange cat in a strange garret,
but I was there to speak just as I felt. When I
arose to speak without notes my friends exhibited
no little anxiety, for they thought I would fail. At
the close of the exercises, however, I was highly
congratulated. A day or two afterward, a reporter
of a New York paper, who was present, came and
asked for my written address, as he had others. I
informed him that I had none, and that he would
have to write what he remembered. In the New
York paper he reported a good analysis of my
address.
What old resident of Boston does not remember
William B. Spooner, the great temperance advocate.
He was among my earliest friends, and I cannot
close this chapter without giving him a passing
comment. He was a man ready to talk with me on
all subjects, secular and religious. Though he was
40 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
a Unitarian, and I a Baptist, yet we agreed on
many important points, because we both thought
man ought to be good. On one occasion, in the
course of our conversation, I made the remark that
ever since I came out of slavery, I had been trying
to make a man of myself.
As I was passing his office one day, he called me
into his counting room, and said —
" Randolph, you told me something a year or two
ago that I have been thinking about." He kept me
in suspense for a little while, for, as we had talked
over many things, I could not recall what it was.
Finally, he said, " You told me some time ago that
you had tried to make a man of yourself ever since
you had left slavery. I think," said he, "you have
succeeded very well."
Mr. Spooner was a great help to me in my work
among the colored people in the South, at the close
of. the war. He made a visit in that section, and on
his return North, gave a good account of my work.
In this connection I do not want to forget my old
friend, Mr. Nathaniel Conner, of the firm of N. Jones
& Company. He belongs in the first rank with
many others of my warm friends.
The last but not least of those of whom I now
speak in detail, is Deacon Ezekias Chase, well known
in Boston for his generous spirit and Christian prin-
ciples. I will return and speak of him in connection
with my church work in Boston.
CHURCH WORK. 41
CHAPTER V
CHURCH WORK.
|MONG the first things I did after arriving
in Boston, was that of looking after my
church connection. In Virginia, I was a
member of the Baptist Church. And naturally
enough on coming here I sought to identify myself
with that society.
I found a body of brethren worshiping in a hall
on Belknap Street, now Joy Street. They were
about fifteen in number, and were being supplied by
Leonard A. Grimes. Myself and most of my com-
panions who were professing Christians, joined this
small body. Soon after, a council was called and
our society was regularly organized and called the
Twelfth Baptist Church. Rev. Mr. Grimes was
properly ordained, and called to the pastorate of the
new church. The history of this church and its dis-
tinguished pastor is well known to the older citizens
of Boston, because of the prominence of both
church and pastor in the early anti-slavery struggles.
42 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
I feel sad when I stop to recount, that I am the
only living surviver of that original body.
I was licensed as a Baptist preacher by the above-
named church, and continued my membership with
them ; but went out working for, and laboring with,
other churches and telling the story of my bond-
brethren in the South. I felt that God had called
me from slavery to freedom, and from spiritual dark-
ness to soul liberty, for a purpose, and that a part of
my work was to remember and help those in bonds
as if bound with them.
In 1852, I visited St. John, New Brunswick,
as a missionary, for the purpose of preaching and
helping the colored people in that vicinity who had
gone from the States. About this time the fugitive
slave law was in operation. This law was a terror,
and brought untold suffering to the colored people,
especially those who had escaped from slavery.
Many were pursued, hounded down, and carried back
into slavery. During this reign of terror, not a few
colored people left the States and sought protection
under the British Crown, in Canada.
While in St. John and vicinity I visited Lake
Loma, a colored settlement. This was a colony
that had been settled and fostered under the auspi-
ces of the Queen. During the war of 18 12,
between England and the United States, slaves from
the South made their escape under British protec-
tion, and many of them were quartered at this place.
At the time I visited them, I found that they had
CHURCH WORK. 43
made little or no progress from an educational point
of view, though they had been there fifty years.
This was probably due to the fact that prior to this
time they had had no schools. After this schools
were furnished them by the British Government,
and the improved development was clearly seen.
I will here relate a little incident that will illus-
trate their megre surroundings. Arrangements
were made that I should preach for them three times
on the Sabbath, but I was urged to stay and preach
on Monday morning, also. I consented providing the
service would close in time to allow me to catch the
ten o'clock stage. This was the mail stage, and the
only public conveyance for travelling, coming twice
a week. Providence seemed to order it otherwise
than I intended. For just as I had commenced my
sermon, along came the stage about nine o'clock.
Of course I gave up the idea of leaving then, and
continued through the whole service. It was a
magnificent sight to see such a large congregation
out on Monday morning to divine service, just as
though it was Sunday. They seemed to enjoy my
visit and sermons, and many outward manifestations
were given showing the favorable impressions. Nat-
urally enough, after the service, I was a little anxious
about how I should get back to St. John, a distance
of seventeen miles.
The brethren were not slow in coming to my
assistance in this matter, though I must admit, the
conveyance was a slow one, namely, an ox-team.
44 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
Now, the ox is a valuable animal and distinguished
for his strength, but he is not to be counted on for
rapidity, especially in catching a train. This was
doubtless the best they had, and I accepted and
marched on. After they had carried me a part of
the journey, I decided that I could travel faster
than the oxen. Accordingly, I put my feet in the
path, and arrived at St. John about six P M. I
was hungry as a tramp, and needed no persuasion to
eat.
I was disappointed in my visit to St. John,
therefore my work there was not very satisfactory
to me. I had always cherished the idea that when I
stood on British soil, I should leave behind me the
miserable race prejudice and hate. But to my sur-
prise I found this state of things as bad in Canada,
as in the States, and it may have appeared to me
worse, because I was not looking for it. The word
"negger", with taunting insults, seemed to meet me
at every turn. The boys and young men would sing
out, " Hello, negger. There's a negger from the
States," and other such epithets. I noticed that
the class that was always ready to hurl at me these
insults wore worse clothes than I did. This was a
source of gratification to me. And besides, I had
heard so much about the excellent people in the
British Provinces that I came dressed in my best, to
the credit of the good people.
I must say, that it was not the better class that
insulted me, but the worst, for I found in this vicin-
CHURCH WORK. 45
ity many of the best of people, who were sympa-
thetic, and were true friends of the colored race, but
the diabolical system of slavery had made its influ-
ence felt even in the British territory, and there
were those who were ready to look upon the col-
ored man only as a bondman.
After my short missionary tour to St. John and
vicinity, I took the boat for Boston. On my
arrival I was taken suddenly ill, and confined to my
bed for three weeks. But finally I was restored to
health and went on with my work.
While speaking of my religious work and expe-
rience, I will also note a few habits and customs
of the times, in connection with the same.
In these times of which I speak it was not custom-
ary for a colored preacher to address a white congre-
gation ; various were the v:ews maintained by the
white people relative to the colored man. Some
said that he was not a member of the human fam-
ily; others, that he was void of a moral and intel-
lectual nature.
A large number thought he had little or no right
to speak in a religious meeting. Here is a simple
illustration of the point in view. I was invited by a
brother minister to preach for his congregation,
which was then worshiping in Milk Row, Somerville,
Mass., in a hall. I reluctantly accepted the invita-
tion, and on the Sunday and hour arranged put in
my appearance.
One of the congregation, a teamster by occupation,
46 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
when he saw me enter inquired of the pastor who
was going to preach. He remarked that Rev. Peter
Randolph, a colored preacher from Boston, would
occupy the pulpit. The aforesaid gentleman felt
insulted, took his hat and departed, saying that he
did not care to hear that "negger" preach.
After the introductory services were over I had
taken my text, and was about entering upon my
discourse when in came my offended brother, and
took a seat where he could look me right in the
face. My text was, "Behold, old things are passed
away and all are become new" — my theme being
the new birth. At the close of the services he was
asked how he liked the sermon. His answer was,
that he was happily disappointed. It was quite evi-
dent that this man, full of prejudice, could not tell
how far a toad could hop, by looking at his size.
I preached also in the afternoon, and this same
brother was present and seemed to enjoy the ser-
mon as. well as anyone. My text was taken from
Nehemiah — "I am doing a great work and cannot
come down." I tried to show the disadvantages
under which the children of Israel labored in
rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem, and how
important it was for them to stick to the work. I
did not then know the condition of the society I was
addressing, but was afterward informed that they
were on the eve of disbanding. I also learned that
they were much encouraged by what I had to say
to them, and they resolved to continue together.
CHURCH WORK. 47
The church became one of the largest in Somerville.
I simply speak of this to show the wonder-working
power of God. His ways are not our ways. They
are past finding out. Man says, can any good thing
come out of Nazareth, but God brings it out, and
takes the weak and foolish things to confound the
great. He is no respecter of persons, but a
discerner of the heart and purposes of men.
In Dorchester, where I was invited to preach, I
had a similar experience to that at Somerville — a
strong objection to hearing the " negger preacher"
This may be added also that the objector did finally
hear me, and it is the last sermon he heard on earth.
For he was taken sick and died shortly after his ill-
ness. I was informed of this by the pastor who
invited me to preach ; and he made the remark that
it was the last sermon this man heard before
going to the judgment. My subject on that
occasion was the "boundless love of God"
And how true it is, my readers, that we must all
appear before the judgment seat of Christ, and ren-
der our account. Certainly, if we are to meet the
approbation of God, we must go along the way of
the golden rule, recognizing all men as brothers, and
doing unto them as we would have them do unto us.
Think you that this man who did not want to hear
me preach, but who heard his last sermon on earth
from me, will refuse to meet me at the judgment on
account of my color — something I had nothing to
do with ?
48 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
I am thankful to say that this unpleasant state of
things which existed forty-five years ago is now
numbered with the past. Since then, I have
preached in many white congregations, where, I
believe, all heard me gladly. In connection with my
early ministry I would also mention Plymouth,
Massachusetts, with its historic memories. It was
here, where the Pilgrim Fathers landed and estab-
lished those principles which, like the solid rock on
which they stood, have defied the test of the cen-
turies, and extended throughout the length and
breadth of this great nation. May these principles
ever live, and like those emanating from the impreg-
nable Rock of Ages, produce results that shall be
for the blessing of humanity. Plymouth, like many
other places I have visited and labored in, is not
without its incidents.
While here I was invited to make one of a party
of four to attend a Sunday service at Monument
Pond. When we arrived the congregation had
assembled, but they had no preacher. The white
brethren in my party said, " Here is a colored
preacher, why not hear him."
Accordingly, I was prevailed upon to preach.
The people there had never heard a colored preacher,
and their curiosity was at a high pitch. Though I
was somewhat of a novelty to them, they received
my message, and the meeting was declared a
success. At Eel River, I had what I may call a
slip-up — whether the name of the river had any-
CHURCH WORK. 49
thing to do with my misfortune I am not prepared
to say. I was unexpectedly called upon to preach
for a white congregation, and when I got into the
pulpit I could not find my text. My situation can
better be imagined than described. On going home
after the service I tried to describe my feelings and
the circumstance of losing my text. The remark
of my friend was, " Why, we would not have known
it, if you had not spoken of it." While carrying on
a series of meetings in the little Chapel at Ply-
mouth, I preached on the subject of eternal punish-
ment. There were a few in my audience who took
issue with me on the subject, and we had a discus-
sion which lasted nearly three days, they holding
to the soul-sleeping doctrine, and I to the con-
scious existence of the soul. One of my hearers
was so well pleased with my argument, that he made
me a present of a valuable commentary on the New
Testament.
After the discussion, I met my main antagonist —
who was a clergyman — and put to him another
question on the subject. He said, " I will answer you
as the slave answered his master. The master had
been converted, and while reading in the Epistles of
Paul he came across something he did not under-
stand, and asked his slave about it The slave
wanted to know how long he had been reading the
Bible, and he said, about three weeks. ' And you have
got so far as that already ? Go back to the begin-
ning and read up to that point, and you will under-
50 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
stand it better.'" In this allusion my opponent
acknowledged his deficiency on the subject.
In 1856, I was called to take charge of a small
struggling church in New Haven, Connecticut, at a
salary of two hundred dollars a year. At this time
I was doing very well in Boston, in the way of taking
care of myself and family But feeling that this was
the ordering of God, I accepted, hoping that I might
be a humble instrument in His hands of doing some
good among my people. I found the society in a
deplorable condition and much discouraged. They
reminded me of the vision of Ezekiel in the valley
of dry-bones. Their views of Baptist doctrine and
church government was much confused.
After much work and preaching, the dry-bones
seem to get back into place and shape. The breth-
ren not at heart Baptist, thought there was no need
of a Baptist church in that vicinity, but we thought
otherwise and pushed along that line. Though I
had taken charge of the church, I was not ordained
and could not perform the full duties of a pastor.
The church urged my ordination, and I was
ordained at Williamsburgh, now Brooklyn, New
York.
A regular council was called according to the Bap-
tist rule, and the ordination took place in the church
of which Rev. L. A. Black was pastor. Rev. Mr.
Burg, an Englishman, was the chairman of the
council. Among the other members were Rev.
Sampson White, and Rev. Mr. Herring. After my
CHURCH WORK. 51
ordination at Williamsburgh I returned to New
Haven, with all the qualifications of a regular
Baptist pastor. I realized what was before me, and
raised up the regular Baptist banner. I preached
sermons on the subject of Baptism, prepared a
special sermon on my reasons for being a Baptist
and invited my outside brethren to hear it. I
tried to emphasize the great commission and our
Saviour's command, and that as his followers we had
no right to change that command. A Methodist
brother who was present, in speaking, said that he
agreed with me that we had no right to change the
command of Christ. Much interest was aroused by
this opposition, and some of the Methodist pastors
had to baptize by immersion some of their members
to keep them.
I will here speak of a noticeable incident in this
line. At one of my meetings a candidate presented
himself for membership and wanted to be immersed.
After hearing his experience, the question was
asked, would he comply with the Baptist conditions
of membership? He intimated that he was not
ready to do so. Thereupon I refused to baptize
him. He went to a Methodist minister and he
agreed to perform the rite. The Methodist brother,
who was better known as "Father Spence,"
arranged to immerse this candidate on the same
Sunday that I was to baptize. There was a large
crowd present in all kinds of vehicles and boats.
I had led the way and buried beneath the liquid
52 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
grave, those who had given evidence of their faith in
Christ, and thus professed him before the world.
Then came in "Father Spence," with his one
candidate. This was a new departure for him and
his timidity was evident. He raised his hand and
said, "I baptize thee," etc., and plunged the man
under the wave. For some reason or other, he lost
his hold and his candidate was struggling for dear
life, and came near getting drowned. The people
regarded this unsuccessful attempt as a special
judgment against the Methodist preacher. After
this I had but little trouble about my Baptist views.
After serving the church in New Haven for one
year I was compelled to resign my charge on
account of pecuniary circumstances, as the church
was not able to support a pastor. The sentiment of
the church was much against my leaving, but I
could not remain, and returned again to Boston. I
am pleased to say that my stay in New Haven was
not without evidence of good both to the people and
to myself. I had a splendid opportunity to attend
the lectures given at Yale College, and availed
myself of them. So I departed from New Haven
richer in knowledge and experience, if in nothing
else.
I was not in Boston very long before I received
another call, from a church in Newburgh, New York.
This was a beautiful little town on the Hudson
River, near West Point, distinguished for its relics,
and as being one of the main points of operation
CHURCH WORK. 53
used by General George Washington, in the Revo-
lutionary War. It was in the year of 1858, that I
received this call and settled as pastor over the
church at Newburgh.
The condition of the flock was similar to that in
which I found the church in New Haven. With
this addition, however, they seem to be of Dutch
origin and peculiarities, and were destitute of what
most colored people needed at that time, and even
now, an education. The non-progress of my people
in this country is due to the fact that they are not
educated.
The confused state and condition of the colored
people in Newburgh prevented the growth and
development of the spiritual fruit that one had a
right to look for. It was my duty to faithfully sow
the seed that another might reap the desired harvest.
This I endeavored to do, to the best of my ability,
and leaving the result with Him who knows all
things.
I have no remarkable incidents to relate during
my stay in this place save one or two. I was
invited on one occasion to preach for a brother
minister. When I arrived at his meeting-house I
found it crowded with both white and colored people.
The former being mostly young men.
The crowd had come together doubtless, expect-
ing to have what they call a good time. After a
little while the pastor whispered to me, saying,
"There has been an announcement made that a
54 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
sermon would be preached here, on the great day of
judgment." He wanted to know from me if I
could preach on that subject. I told him it was
quite a short notice, but I thought I could do so;
anyway, I would try.
He went on with the preliminary part of the ser-
vice, and at the time for the sermon, I arose and
stepped forward with my text : " The great day of
his wrath has come, and who shall be able to
stand ? " As I was getting along, in the midst of
my sermon, I noticed quite a number of the white
young men, who came looking for fun, leaving. As
they did not see anybody jump up, or falling over
the benches, they were doubtless disappointed and
took their departure.
I afterward learned from some of his members
that the pastor did not have the best motive in view,
in forcing me to take this subject without a
moment's notice. Many, however, pronounced the
sermon good, and some dated their conversion to
the same. In this incident, I was reminded of that
Scripture where it says that God causes the wrath
of men to praise him.
I shall never forget my visit to Snake Hill, which
is just three miles from Newburgh. The origin of
the name seems to be founded on fact, as tradition
gives it. It is reported that on a certain day a big
show was in town, and most of its curiosities con-
sisted of snakes. The authorities of the town
ordered that these reptiles should be loosed, and
CHURCH WORE. 55
they found their home in the hill that afterward
assumed the name. On the day that I visited this
mountain in company with others, these reptiles
probably had concealed themselves in the caves, for
not many were visible.
The most interesting thing to me on this moun-
tain was the heavy black cloud which seemed about
to burst on us at any moment. We did not get any
of the shower while on the mountain, but when we
came down we found it had rained considerable.
This taught one the lesson that it is one thing to be
on the mountain, another thing to be in the valley.
On one occasion, I happened in the court house
here, and was conversing with a white man on the
subject of religion, when another informed me if I had
anything to do with politics, I would soon find myself
in the jail. He may have said this in the way of a
joke, but in those times, many a true thing was said
in a joke. In closing I can say this about Newburgh,
that I have nothing to regret relative to my stay
there. I had many warm friends, and pleasant
remembrances of the place.
56 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
CHAPTER VI.
IN A VIRGINIA PULPIT.
NOW propose to speak concerning my prep-
aration and work at Richmond, Virginia.
And here I may say, that like General
Grant, Benj. F Butler, and other Northern gen-
erals, I made several attempts and was much
delayed before I got there.
When I left my charge in Newburgh, N. Y., I
returned to Boston and remained about two years.
During this time I was engaged in a small newspaper
business and preached for the Old Ladies' Home,
then located on Phillip Street. For my two years'
service to them I received no compensation. But I
shall never forget what the matron, Mrs. Martha
Thurston, a devout Christian woman, said to me in
regard to my pay. In speaking of my service she
remarked : " Brother Randolph, we shall never be
able to pay you for your services here, but the Lord
will reward you."
I believe her prayer was answered. A few days
after this I went into the well-known store of Hitch-
IX A VIRGIXIA PULPIT. 57
cook & Potter, and was introduced to Mr. J. C.
Lester of Boston, as the preacher at the Colored
Old Ladies' Home. He asked several questions,
and among others, how much money I received for
my services. Of course, I told him. He was sur-
prised, and asked how I managed to live, and
finished by saying, " If the men in this store will
give you a barrel of flour, I will take it home for
you." This was said in the way of a joke. But a
few days after I was invited to call at the
store again, and received in money the value of a
barrel of flour. I speak of this to show the answer
to faithful prayer, and also for the purpose of intro-
ducing my friend, Mr. J. C. Lester, who assisted me
to Richmond.
I must now hasten on to Richmond, the scene of
conflict, for I will be delayed somewhat on my
journey. As I was in Boston during the latter part
of the War, it was my cherished desire to go and
serve my country as chaplain in one of the colored
regiments. Accordingly I offered myself to Gov-
ernor Andrew, but there was no opening at the time
for me. When Lee surrendered to Grant at
Appomattox, and the war was declared at an end,
and the slaves free, many of the freedmen in
Virginia — those who knew they were free — gath-
ered at the great centres where the Union Soldiers
were quartered, mainly for protection from their
masters, and to see what freedom meant.
One of these places was City Point, Virginia.
58 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
As there was a large number of men, women and
children quartered here, and were in the condition of
sheep, without pasture or shepherd, I was urged by
Rev. L. A. Grimes, to look after and try and help
these poor people. But I had not the necessary
means to undertake this work. I presented the
matter to my friend, Mr. Lester, and he with others
furnished the desired help.
On my journey I stopped at Baltimore, Md., and
during my delay, the nation was thrown in the deep-
est sorrow over the reported news that President
Lincoln had been assassinated. The national flag
was lowered at half-mast, proving that the report
was true. I remained in Baltimore until after the
funeral and then hastened to City Point. On arriving
I found the colored people as I have intimated, in a
confused state, and wanted more than I was able to
give them. My stay at City Point was short, for I
realized that that was not the best place for me to make
my head-quarters. As the way to Richmond had
opened and hostilities ceased, I hastened to establish
myself there as a place more suited for the work, in
every way.
On my arrival at Richmond I was met at the
Rocketts, by Filds Cook, and carried to the house
of Mr. John Adams, who had cognizance of my
coming. He was one of the most prominent col-
ored men in the city, having been a freeman before
the war, and was in fair circumstances. Being in
his hands I was taken good care of, and was able to
IX A VIRGINIA PULPIT. 59
proceed at once to the needed work. The scene
that opened before my eyes as I entered Richmond
cannot be accurately described by word or pen.
The city was in smoke and ashes, that is, a goodly
part of it, for the Confederacy, on taking their
departure, fired the city rather than let it fall into
the hands of the Union forces.
The colored people from all parts of the state
were crowding in at the capital, running, leaping,
and praising God that freedom had come at last. It
seems to me I can hear their songs now as they ring
through the air : " Slavery chain done broke at last ;
slavery chain done broke at last — I's goin' to praise
God till I die."
Many of the old people had prayed and looked
forward to this day, but like Moses they were per.
mitted to see it afar off, and not enter it.
The place was literally full of soldiers, " Yanks"
and " Rebs."
The armies were breaking up and returning home.
Richmond was the great centre for dispersions, all
hours, day and night was the marching of regiments,
going and coming. The sight of some of these
would bring tears to the dryest eyes, as they beheld
men wounded, maimed in every possible shape and
form that could be mentioned. And many of these,
like the poor colored people, were truly glad that the
war was over.
The city of Richmond did not have accommoda-
tions enough for this great mass of colored people,
60 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
so many were gathered on the suburbs and taken care
of in the best why possible under the circumstances.
One of these principal camps, where the people
were huddled in temporary structures, was called
Schinnborazzo. Here I spent a part of my first Sun-
day in Richmond, and preached to a large congrega-
tion. Religious services were held in these camps all
day, and several other preachers were present and
readily lent their service. Among these was Rev.
John Jasper, who has distinguished himself since, as
the famous "Sun do move preacher." This was the
first time I had the pleasure of meeting him. His
preaching was much more excitable than mine,
and seemed to effect the people in a way that I could
not. This scene, and the day's work, was very
impressive upon me, and made me feel and sympa-
thize with these folks only as one who had been in
slavery, could feel and sympathize.
It had been argued by some that, if the Negroes
were set free they would murder and kill the white
people. But instead of that, they were praising
God and the Yankees for life and liberty. Of
course, soldiers were stationed about these camps,
and in all the streets of the city, to keep in check
anything like an outbreak. I am sorry to say
here, that the treatment of some of the soldiers
toward the poor colored people was indeed shame-
ful. For the slightest provocation, and sometimes
for no cause whatever, the butts of their guns and
bayonets were used unmercifully upon them.
AN A VIRGINIA PULPIT. 61
The colored people held indignation meetings,
resolutions were passed, and a delegation appointed
to lay this whole matter before President Johnson.
I was the instigator of the meeting being called.
And not until these steps were taken did the
colored people have rest from the ill-treatment of
the soldiers.
This, also, must be said, relative to these soldiers :
the most of them who committed these depredations
were from the Middle States, and sympathizers with
the South. They seemed to be mad because the
"negger" was free, and took the authority given
them by the wearing of the blue to express it.
The petition of the colored men was noticed by
the President, and remedied by General Schofield.
In addition to the Provost Marshal's, where soldiers
were disciplined, bureaus were established for the
freedmen, where they could be heard and assisted.
The true condition of the colored people at this
time will never be written. When I arrived at
Richmond, I had letters of introduction from Gov-
ernor Andrew to Governor Pierpont, and also to
General Schofield. I was appointed by the Gen-
eral to issue tickets or passes, and distribute them
to the people, in order that they might get what pro-
visions and clothing there was for them through the
agency of the bureau. It was a sight to behold to
see these hungry souls crowding in at my office to
obtain the slips of paper that was to give them the
necessities of life. The Freedman's Bureau also took
62 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
the place of the Court House, to protect and settle
all difficulties that might arise among the people.
In this particular some of the incidents were
heartrending, the most severe cases being where
the former master and slave were concerned.
Some of the masters were very reluctant in giving
up their servants, and tried to defraud and rob them
out of their freedom, and many of the slaves had to
run away from their masters to be free. It is true
that the proclamation had been accepted, and Lee
had surrendered his sword to Grant, but some of the
white people still contended that " these are my
neggers."
When some of the white people found that they
could no longer retain them as slaves they used
them very cruelly. I was often called at the bureau
to interest myself in and defend these poor people.
One sad case I will here mention — a colored girl
about eighteen years of age, who was brought before
the bureau, with a charge against her former master.
She had been shamefully whipped and her back
burned with a hot iron. I well recall the words of
General Merrett, who was at the time the president
of the bureau.
As he beheld the condition of this girl, he
exclaimed, " What is this ! " The officer who had
her in charge said, "It is the devil." An eye-wit-
ness who was present photographed the back of this
girl, and it can be had if my readers would like to see
it. Let me make another brief mention, in the
IN A VIRGINIA PULPIT. 63
South, especially during the dark days of slavery.
The colored man was expected to stop and let the
white person pass first, and often had to get off the
sidewalk to let the white woman pass. I was an
eye-witness to this incident : A white woman was
about to cross the street, but the colored teamster,
who had the right of way, did not stop for her to
cross. She had him arrested for attempting to run
over her. I went to the jail, and on my personal
testimony, he was released.
This simply illustrates the condition of things
that I speak of, and also the necessity and work of
the Freedman's Bureau.
The Freedman's Bureau was only a temporary
arrangement intended to help relieve the condition
of the ex-slaves. While it had the means to do so it
was inestimable to the poor and needy. But soon
the sources of supply failed and the important work
was abandoned. , This made the suffering and needs
of the people more intense than ever. Many had to
go back to their former masters to work or starve,
and many of the whites tried to make the Negroes
feel that freedom was worse than slavery.
In slavery times the masters would see to it, that
the slaves were fed — that is, with such as they had
to give them, but now, they would see them starve.
It is not hard to understand this state of affairs,
when one thinks of the situation ; here the whites
were smarting under their defeat, the Negroes, who
were their main support, were taken away from them
64 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
as slaves and goods of chattel, but still remained
at their doors. The unvented wrath they had for
the Yankees, for meddling with their pet institution,
was poured out on the poor Negroes.
When the bureau closed, the Police Court took
its place as a tribunal of justice. I have already
stated, that the Freedman's Bureau was not only a
place for relief, but also, for the distribution of
justice. I will speak briefly of the Police Court,
that took its place, and my relation with the same.
In the return and establishment of the Police
Court, the Mayor of the city for the time being was
constituted the judge. This happened to be George
C. Cahoone, a New Yorker. He studied law in the
office of Chief Justice Chase, and was a man of
excellent qualities.
The white South looked upon him, however, as
a northern carpet-bagger, and did everything to
oppose him. He was a faithful administer of the
law as he understood it, was patient and full of
justice. The colored people, as well as the white,
who had violated the law, in his opinion, had to pay
the penalty. The court was constantly crowded
with colored people with their complaints. I was
invited by Mr. Cahoone to look after the interests of
these people, for they needed some one who could
understand them. I accepted the invitation and was
frequently in the court. Many would come to Mr.
Cahoone, with their long story, but he would say to
them, "You go and tell Mr. Randolph, and he will
IN A VIRGINIA PULPIT. 65
tell me." After I had heard the long complaint, I
would put it in as short a form as possible and then
explain it to the judge. There was no end to com-
plaints and outrages committed on the poor and
ignorant. If the farmer lost his horse, cow, dog or
chicken, by death, or theft, the "negger" was held
responsible, and arrested on the least suspicion.
I remember a special case, where a man lost his
cow by death, and two colored men were accused of
it. The evidence showed that they were innocent
of the cow's death ; but the case had to go to the
higher court. I appeared there in their behalf, and
they were acquitted.
The object of many of these arrests can be fully
understood by the Southern people only
The Negro had suddenly been made a citizen and
given the right of franchise ; this was an offence to
the Southern white people — and one that they will
never forgive the North for. In my opinion it
should be overlooked just as other war measures
are overlooked and forgiven, for it was a necessity.
The white people were determined to prevent
them from voting, if they could, and various methods
were resorted to, in order to deprive them of their
vote. Chief among these, was to get the men put
in jail on some criminal charge, and thus disqual-
ify them ; for the law considered all disqualified who
had been arrested. The jail house and chain-gang
were constantly filled with able-bodied colored men
whose offence did not entitle them to be there.
66 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
The ballot, though a great privilege, was the cause of
much suffering for the freedmen.
Before I dismiss these court proceedings let me
mention one more case in which I had to partici-
pate. On one occasion, Mr. Cahoone was absent
and his assistant was on the bench. This morning
without much delay or inquiry, the judge pro tem-
had sentenced a colored boy to prison for stealing a
small sum of money. As I entered I saw the boy
standing and weeping bitterly. I interrogated him,
and found that the man who had brought the charge
against him was his father. I sought out the father
and found him to be a white man. Several who
were in the position to know, verified the state-
ment of the lad that the man was his father. I
made known the facts in the case and urged the
judge to delay the case until he heard me.
I endeavored to show in my argument, that this
was a case where a father was appearing against his
own son, and though his mother was colored and
had been sold in slavery, nevertheless this was his
flesh and blood. The judge stopped me before I
finished my argument, by saying, "That will do, Sir;
I will revoke the sentence, and you can take the boy
in charge for three weeks." This is one of many
cases of this kind that might be mentioned, but the
white South rarely likes to discuss this part of the
question. Mr. Cahoone, in spite of his acts of kind-
ness and justice to all, was unable to win over as
his friends the local white people.
IN A VIRGINIA PULPIT. 67
They looked upon him as a Northern Carpet-bag-
ger, and were determined to get rid of him, if possi-
ble. They watched for their chance as a cat would
watch for a rat. An unfortunate circumstance with
which Mr. Cahoone was connected, furnished an
opportunity for them to commence operations.
A foreigner died without a proper will ; and in such
cases the effects go to the state. But Mr. Cahoone
acting not as the mayor of the city, but as a lawyer,
examined the submitted report and ordered it to be
collected, signing his name in approval of the same
as a proper document, and received the lawyer's fee
for his work.
When the time came for his re-election, this mat-
ter was strongly urged against him on the ground of
forgery. He was elected, however, by an over-
whelming majority of the votes of colored and union
men. This incensed the whites ; they destroyed the
ballot-boxes and votes, and proceeded to eject the
incumbent and appoint another in his place. Mr.
Cahoone remonstrated against such procedure, for
he was a man of strong convictions and was not
afraid to express them.
The crisis was now at hand. The local whites who
held office under him deserted at this trying hour,
and he was compelled to depend solely on the col-
ored men and a few unionists. The mob surrounded
him and his colored followers in a hall and kept them
there all day.
It was necessary for him to appeal to the United
68 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
States authorities for protection, and also to decide
who was the rightful incumbent of the office. The
decision was in favor of Mr. Cahoone, and he was
restored to his former position. In this trial Judge
Underwood presided, and he was defended by
Henry A. Wise, Ex-Governor Wells, and Chandler
of Maine.
The whites were determined, however, not to let
Mr. Cahoone remain in office. The charge of forg-
ery relative to the report he had signed, was repeated
against him. He was arrested, and tried by the
Court of Virginia, found guilty, and sentenced, but
Governor Walker, of Virginia, would not see this
noble man go to the penitentiary, and therefore
pardoned him. After this he took his departure
from Virginia, the scene of trial and persecution.
It should be understood here, that the colored peo-
ple did not desert Mr. Cahoone, but supported him
to the last, and many suffered with him. I was per-
sonally acquainted with one man who was shot. I
myself visited him while he was in jail, and heard
him, with tears in his eyes, speak of the sad disap-
pointment of justice and cruel treatment he had
received at the hands of the southern white people.
In beginning this chapter, and speaking of my
advent in Richmond, I referred to the condition of
the people generally as I found them. How the
soldiers were passing and repassing for days and
weeks. In this connection I wanted to say, that
one of the chief divisions was General Sherman's.
IN A VIRGINIA PULPIT. 69
It was a wonderful sight to see this army passing
for three long days, and colored people standing in
the streets with buckets of water to refresh them as
they passed. White and colored people alike were
surprised to see so many "Yankees," and they com-
monly remarked, "Where did they come from?
They must come from under the ground."
Also, I want to emphasize another point in con-
nection with this early state of affairs ; and that is,
the ideas that many of the freedmen had relative to
the new state of things. The current view among
many, directly after the war was, that they would
receive so much land from the government to help
them in the new life. This opinion seemed reason-
able, and was shared by many. But imagine their
disappointment when they were told frankly that
the government had no such intentions as they
entertained. Well do I remember the impression
made on the people when Senator Henry Wilson,
on his visit to Richmond, and at the invitation of
the colored delegation, answered this question.
The kind Senator did not leave them without some
good advice. They were not looking for advice,
however, but land to plant corn and potatoes, for
their wives and children. The condition, as I have
intimated, of these people was deplorable. Instead
of forty acres and a mule, they had to return to
their former masters barefooted, and hat in hand,
and ask permission to work for "victuals and
clothes" When this part of the freedman's condi-
70
SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
tion is considered rightfully there will be an oppor-
tunity for regrets and tears of repentance. Is there
a case in all history, that can be compared with this,
where over four millions of people, ignorant and
empty-handed, are turned loose into the world to
seek for themselves homes in the face of every pos-
sible disadvantage ?
During the time Pierpont was governor of Vir-
ginia, a report came from Chester County, that the
Negroes in that vicinity were in a state of insurrec-
tion, and that they were about to rise up and kill all
the white people in that section. I was acquainted
with the governor through my letter of introduction
from Governor Andrew.
As there was considerable talk about this upris-
ing, Mr. Pierpont requested my views on the subject.
I informed him that I was in a position to know, if
there was anything of the kind, but did not believe
that there was a word of truth in the report ; but
that it was rather a pretext gotten up on the part of
the whites to murder the colored people. The gov-
ernor paid no attention to the rumor, by sending
militia, and there was no riot. A few colored men
were out hunting rabits, and the whites cried,
"Negro uprising."
This is a good illustration of many reported upris-
ings among the colored people of the South. Usu-
ally these reports originated among the white and not
the colored people. This is one of the sham tricks
of the South, to get up a Negro riot, call out the
IN A VIRGINIA PULPIT. 71
militia or the citizens in arms to butcher the blacks,
for the purpose of keeping them in their places, as
they say.
Of course there are good white people in the
South, who took no part in these cruel outrages
against the colored people. But they are to be criti-
cised because they do not condemn them.
Every community is held responsible that permits
one class of its citizens to outrage another class
with impunity.
Hundreds of colored people in the South, since
emancipation, have been whipped to death, lynched,
and burned alive, until the question is asked, and
asked rightfully, "Is the South civilized?"
What Thomas Jefferson said about slavery, so I
repeat in substance, relative to the persecution of
my people : " I tremble for my country when I think
that God is just."
While speaking on this subject of southern out-
rages, permit me to say this also : that I believe
much responsibility rests on the North in regard to
this whole matter. The North should not be con-
tent as long as one man is oppressed, and his rights
disregarded. If she is inclined to be negligent in
this matter, let her remember the two hundred
thousand colored soldiers who died in the defence of
the Union, and the multitudes of white soldiers
who were saved from death-traps, and starvation, by
the hands of the poor slave.
The covenant that General B. F Butler made
72 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
with himself when he walked among so many dead
and brave black soldiers, should be the sentiment of
the whole North ; never to forget them, or be
untrue.
During my stay in Richmond as pastor and carry-
ing on special work among the freedmen, it was
my privilege to meet several of the most prom-
inent men. Among these was Judge John C.
Underwood, of the United States District Court.
He was a good, kind-hearted man, and took much
interest in the colored people. Often I had to con-
sult with him about local matters. On one occa-
sion he sent for me, and I was to meet him at his
boarding-place, which was the Spots Woods Hotel,
the most popular hotel in the city. I called at the
hotel, entered the bar-room, and enquired for him of
the bar-keeper, but he made no reply to my direct
question. Finally he said, "If you take off your hat
I'll answer you." I had just returned from Boston,
and had on a new beaver hat. "Why, sir," said
I, a little indignant at his gruff remark, "take
off my hat in a bar-room ! The other gentlemen have
on their hats, and they do not look half as good as
mine." His blunt reply was, "But neggers take off
theirs." "I am a gentleman, sir," said I.
The gentleman behind the bar ordered me out,
and if I had not obeyed he would have had me and
my new silk hat out on the sidewalk, upside down,
and I couldn't have helped myself. The good judge
was provoked when he heard of the occurrence.
IN A VIRGINIA PULPIT. 73
But this was Richmond, and not Boston. Before I
left Richmond I saw this hotel in ashes, and its bare
walls standing white against the sun. When I saw
this, it was natural for me to think of the insult I
received there, but with no malice in my heart, for
I pitied and felt sorry for the poor drunken
set, caught there on that fatal night, and whose
bodies furnished fuel for the flames. Fifteen or
more bodies were found in the ruins beyond
identification.
Here we were brought face to face with the great
evil of intemperance. And also the fact that the
popular hotel is often the source and the end of the
evil. The sight of that fire haunts me now as I
think of those human beings, standing at the win-
dows crying for help and no one able to help them.
The Rev. Dr. Dickenson, D. D., editor of the
Religious Herald, was also another man of note,
that I met while in Richmond. Soon after my
arrival, I called on him in company with a friend,
who introduced me as a preacher from Boston. At
that time the mention of the name Boston was suffi-
cient to stir the iron in any southern white man's
blood. For she had taken the lead in the anti-
slavery struggles and was the first to raise her
hand against the Rebellion. So, naturally, he
expressed himself quite forcibly in regard to the
Massachusetts people, and his general views on the
subject of slavery from the southern stand-point. I
endeavored to keep my voice under, being reminded
74 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
of that scripture which said : " A soft answer turn-
eth away wrath, but grievous words stir up anger."
The doctor felt that the North had committed the
unpardonable sin, and there was no forgiveness for
them. When I met him again, it was in Boston, at
a minister's conference. In addressing the confer-
ence, he said in substance, that it was a great bless-
ing to the South that slavery was abolished, and it
was worth all it had to pay for it, of blood and treas-
ure. He also intimated that he would help to lift
up the Negro. I had the pleasure of speaking after
him, and referred to our first meeting in Richmond,
but did not allude to his views at that time. I
was glad to see that he was a converted man, and
was able to look at things in a new light.
Dr. Jeter was another popular and very distin-
guished personage in and about Richmond. He
was a good preacher and theologian. I became
acquainted with him in my early ministry at the
Ebenezer church. He used to drop in occasionally
to hear me preach, and would sit right in front of
me where he could see and nod his head to all with
which he assented. After hearing me on one occa-
sion he made the remark, that I was as good a col-
ored preacher as he ever heard, and he was proud of
me, because I was born in Virginia. I suppose
every man should be proud of his birth-place. I am
grateful for all the good that Virginia has done me ;
but I cannot boast very much in this direction,
when I remember that her laws forbade me to read
IN A VIRGINIA PULPIT. 75
the Bible. I feel more indebted to Massachusetts
for what I am than I do to Virginia.
I had to flee from my natural mother, Virginia,
and seek protection under my adopted mother.
Massachusetts. I think I love my adopted mother
the best.
In conversation with Dr. Jeter on the subject of
slavery, he once remarked, that he believed slav-
ery to be right and a divine institution, because the
Bible supported it. He was not particular in quot-
ing that passage, that God had made of one blood
all the nations of the earth, or where Christ teaches,
" that we must do unto our neighbors as we would
have them do unto us."
While he maintained these views and endeavored
to support them by scripture, yet he said, " I hope I
am wrong in my views." I did not understand why
he should make such a remark, unless it was that he
felt the compunctions of conscience.
I was informed that when the Union soldiers were
approaching Richmond, the good doctor intimated
his willingness to go out and fight the Yankees.
He put on his confederate armor and went forth,
but he did not get near enough for anyone to hurt
him, or he to hurt anyone else. The doctor was
tall and thin, and had very good legs for running.
So while he was a good preacher and theologian,
and believed in slavery as a divine institution, yet he
was a poor soldier. His position reminds me of
the quaker in the duel. As the opponents had to
76 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
choose weapons, the Quaker selected as his, a long-
range rifle, and his antagonist pistols. In approach-
ing each other the Quaker said, " Stand thou there,
for thou art near enough for me to hit thee." The
other man withdrew, fearing that while the Quaker
was near enough with his rifle, he was not near
enough with his pistol. So the doctor doubtless
found the Yankees' guns too long and effectual for
him to face.
Rev. R. Riland, D. D., was another important
character whom I wish to mention in this connection.
He was the pastor of what was known as the Old
African Baptist Church, of Richmond. The mem-
bership of this church was all colored people, and
was reported to be between three and four thousand.
Mr Riland was the white pastor over this colored
flock. In the days of slavery the colored pastor
was unknown, the spiritual adviser and teacher
was always a white man. There were colored
exhorters and class leaders, but the boss preacher
was always white. My first meeting of Dr. Riland
was in the First African Church. I was introduced
as the pastor of the Ebenezer Baptist Church ; after
the introduction I noticed he wanted to say some-
thing, so I commenced the conversation by asking
him how many persons he thought the edifice
would hold. " About fifteen hundred," was his
answer. I expressed surprise, and asked him how
it was that the reported membership was so large
and the seating capacity so small. He thought I
IN A VIRGINIA PULPIT. 77
was a northern man, bred and born, and went on to
explain that a large number of his congregation had
gone South — meaning, of course, that they were
sold in slavery.
He proceeded, also, to tell how mild the form of
slavery was in Virginia, compared with other parts
of the South, supposing I knew nothing of it. I
made a long sigh, arid remarked that if Hell was any
worse than slavery in Virginia, I did not want to go
there. "Why," said he, "what do you mean?" I
repeated again, and said that what I meant was,
that slavery was a torment in Virginia. I then pro-
ceeded to tell him that I was a Virginian by birth, and
had lived for years within her borders and tasted
much of the bitter cup of slavery, and also showed
him just what the true relation between the master
and the slave was. When I got through he had but
very little to say on the subject.
When David saw a bear or lion in his flock, he
rose up and slew it. The lions and bears of slavery
entered Dr. Riland's flock more than once, and
took away his lambs ; but he never was known to
complain, or to make a single protest. How he
will explain and settle this matter with the great
Shepherd and Bishop of souls, I cannot now say.
Yet it is not my purpose to sit in judgment upon
him, for he had many good characteristics, and I had
a good chance to learn of them, for I was a pupil
under him in Dr. Colver's school.
This school was established at the close of the
78 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
war for the benefit of the colored ministers, and
Nathaniel Colver, D. D., former pastor of Tremont
Temple, Boston, was the President.
Mr. Riland was employed in this school because
of his long intimate relation with the colored people
as pastor. He was kind and patient, and a good
biblical scholar, and as students we all loved him,
regardless of his slave-holding proclivities.
One remarkable thing about this school was, it
was held in what was known as " Lumpkins Jail"
This at one time was the greatest slave market in the
world. Virginia furnished most of the slaves for the
other Southern States, and this was the great place
where they were sold on the auction block to the
highest bidder. The groans and expressions of sor-
row, that used to go up from this accursed spot, when
husbands and wives, parents and children, were sep-
arated never more to meet, cannot be described by
tongue or pen.
How fitting it was that a school for the instruction
of the freedmen, and especially the Christian minis-
try, should be erected, and occupy this place; veri-
fying that scripture, that God makes even the wrath
of men to praise him.
Let me recall, also, two other characters I met in
Richmond during my stay there ; though they are
not as distinguished as those I have mentioned, yet
they have left upon me as strong an impression as
any.
The first of these two that I desire to speak of, is
IN A VIRGINIA PULPIT. 79
Uncle Phil. Jones. It was over sixteen years since I
had seen him, on the old plantation in the days of
cruel slavery. I had left the South for the North,
in order to obtain my freedom ; now, I had returned
as a teacher and preacher of glad tidings. Uncle
Phil. Jones had known me from childhood, and
naturally enough when he heard of me in Richmond
his great joy was to see me and take me by the
hand. I shall never forget that meeting, as the old
man approached me with head white as cotton,
tottering feet and trembling hand.
" Why, Peter ! is this you ? Praise the Lord
that I have lived to see the day."
Then he burst into tears and sobs. It was an
effecting scene. Poor old man, time and slavery
had dealt hard with him, and left the visible marks.
I, myself, had seen this old man's back literally fur-
rowed by the overseer's lash, and washed in salt
water to preserve it, and keep away the flies.
And now, like a horse that has been worked nearly
to death for all that he is worth, until he becomes
old, crippled and poor, this poor old man is turned
loose without corn or fodder, on the cold charities
of the world. Who are to blame for his destitute
condition, himself, his parents, or those who have
driven him until they could drive him no longer ?
In connection with Uncle Phil. Jones, I may also
relate that I met in Richmond, his master, William
B. Harrison. This is the same man who was men-
tioned in my little book on slave life, as helping the
80 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
sixty-six in obtaining our freedom. Though ho was
by no means an angel toward his own slaves, yet he
was friendly and kind toward us in securing our
rights. I called on Mr. Harrison in Richmond. He
seemed glad to see me, and had much to say about
the unjust treatment we received at the hands of
the lawyer and the executors. But he, too, like
Phil. Jones, had experienced a great change. He
was not the William B. Harrison that once I knew
on the James River, with his well-stocked plantation
and over a hundred slaves. These all, like a
dream of the night, had suddenly vanished from his
gaze. He was a great enemy of the North and
fought for all he was worth, and in return the
Yankees spared neither him nor his chickens.
I met, also, William Allen, better known as Major
Allen. He was a wealthy nephew of my master,
who raised and equipped a southern regiment for
the rebellion. He invited me to see him, and was
pleased to tell his friends that I had been a servant
in his family. I do not know why he took so much
pleasure in mentioning it. I cannot say that I was
ashamed of what happened to be my misfortune.
Joseph was a servant in Egypt, but in due time his
position was changed and he was a blessing to all
succeeding generations. The Major had obtained
his wealth from Colonel William Allen, the owner of
the celebrated "Clearmount Plantation," on the
James River, who was estimated to own nearly a
thousand slaves.
IN A VIRGINIA PULPIT. 81
" Old Joe Mayo," as he was commonly called by
the colored people of Richmond, also deserves men-
tion in these brief records. The colored people
looked upon him as their Nero, a man without a
heart. He was a tobacco manufacturer, making the
famous Virginia Navy Brand. He was the mayor
of the city when Richmond surrendered to the
Union forces.
He had made his boast, however, that before he
would surrender he would ride in blood up to his
saddle. This statement is something like that made
by the boy who said he was going to curse his mas-
ter ; he went to the big gate and cursed his master,
but at the time his master was miles away. The
Yankees were miles away when Mr. Mayo made
this remark, but when they got to the gates of
Richmond, he was among the first to flee for safety.
Doubtless, he changed his mind and thought that
discretion was the better part of valor.
I was told by one who knew from bitter experi-
ence, that when Mr. Mayo became mayor of the
city he gave it out, that he had a whipping for
" every, negger in town " It was his law that every
colored person who was caught on the streets with-
out a pass, was to be sent to the jail and receive
nine and thirty lashes.
This public whipping in the jail was not alto-
gether like a circus or a picnic — the more times you
went to it the more you wanted to go. But the
opposite was true : the strongest and stoutest, after
82 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
they had embraced the whipping-post, and received
what was for them, rarely cared to visit that place
again. A colored woman with her child in her arms
was on the streets without a pass ; it is said that
Mr. Mayo slapped the child's face and sent the
woman to the whipping-post, thereby, verifying
his statement, that he had a whipping for every
"negger in town "
There was a time when Nero no longer sat on
the throne with undisputed sway ; his sceptre of
power had departed. So with Mr. Mayo when I
first saw him in Richmond. His fine residence,
where the silver had been buried in the garden —
but not so deep that the Yankees could not find it —
was occupied by General Roberts, and Mr. E. D.
Bean, of the New Hampshire second Regiment. As
I beheld him, he excited my sympathy and pity ;
and I was reminded of the words of the sacred poet :
" O Lucifer, thou Son of the morning, how hast thou
fallen." Yes, and fallen never to rise again. The
old man died and was buried. But the colored
peopl6 looked on his grave without a tear, and
though there was no epitaph written on his tomb-
stone, they could easily supply it by saying :
" Here lies ' old Joe Mayo ' in his grave dead,
Often he whipped us till we bled.
He will send us no more to the whipping-post,
For he has gone to join the silent host.
To the judgment seat he must come
To give account for the deeds he has done."
IN A VIRGINIA PULPIT. 83
Doubtless my readers will be pleased to hear
something about the first political meeting I
attended after the war, in Richmond. There was
much excitement about this time, for the smell of
powder was still in the air. A meeting was called
by the Union people — including, of course, the
colored — to consider plans for a new constitution.
The big meeting was in the capitol, the late seat of
the head of the Confederacy. This was sacred
ground made hallowed because of the distinguished
Virginians and statesmen who had stood there. It
was a thing unknown for a colored man to stand in
those halls and on those steps to mingle his voice
with the great men of the past.
He was known to tread upon those sacred pre-
cincts, only as a slave and servant, and never as a
man advocating the rights of man. I took my place
at the head of the big steps with the white Union
men. My colored friends thought I was running a
great risk by making myself so conspicuous when it
was known that I came from Boston. I must con-
fess that I did feel a little weak in the knees, for I
did not know at what time a stray bullet might come
my way, and rebuke me for daring to occupy a posi-
tion that no other colored man had assumed. Fin-
ally I was called upon to address the assembly. I
need not say there was silence, for all eyes were
turned toward me, and they were anxious to hear
what the colored man had to say.
I began my remarks, by saying that I was a Vir-
84 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
ginian by birth, and only a son of Massachusetts by
adoption ; that I had to leave Virginia to obtain and
enjoy my freedom, and I had returned for the pur-
pose of helping to build up my native state, so that
she might form an important link in the great bond of
Union. When the whites heard I was born in Vir-
ginia they seemed more anxious to hear me. I con-
tinued further by saying, that what we the colored
people wanted, was money and education, so that we
could own railroads and steamboats. And that when
we came in possession of these we would have the
white people to ride beside us and not behind us.
When the meeting was over several of the local
whites congratulated me, and offered to treat me with
cigars, and so forth, but I politely declined.
It has been over a quarter of a century since I
in a jocose manner made this brief allusion to the
needs of the colored people. And this same idea
might be emphasized to-day with greater earnestness
and sincerity. My brethren in the South to-day, are
dying by the wholesale for the want of the necessi-
ties and comforts of life, and this is due to the fact
that they have not been educated to provide for
themselves.
Give them education and money, and many of the
unpleasant phases that now exist relative to the Negro
would be unknown. Those few who, by hard strug-
gle and opposition, have acquired education and
money, are better respected by the whites. This is
true in the church, and all the avenues of life,
IN A VIRGINIA PULPIT. 85
A brief incident to illustrate this fact may be in
order here.
A story is related of a prominent New York lay-
man, who invited a colored merchant to his church
and a seat in his pew. When this black cloud
entered the church the true spirit of worship, for
the time being, seemed to have taken its flight.
The congregation could not worship in the spirit on
account of the presence of this dark intruder. The
minister was hindered in his discourse because he
saw that his congregation was offended.
At the close of the service the offending member
was reproved by another for bringing this dark
stranger into his pew. The layman defended him-
self by replying that the stranger was a Christian and
an educated man. " No matter," was the reply,
"he is a Negro, and let him go to his own
church."
"But he is a rich Negro, and has arrived with a
valuable cargo," continued the merchant. "Indeed,"
said the fault-finding brother; "give me an introduc-
tion." The moment he said rich Negro that was a
horse of another color, and sufficient to cause a
change of opinion. So I repeat, give the colored
man money and education and he will be recognized
the world over.
In speaking of the causes which lead to the igno-
rant and degrading condition of the colored people in
this country, I think I can safely say that they them-
selves are not wholly responsible. For they have
86 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
lived for centuries in a country rich in resources;
through their sweat and blood others have become
rich and powerful, but they poor and weak. As the
whole country aided in the oppression, the whole
country is partly responsible for their present
condition.
RELIGIOUS CONDITION. 87
CHAPTER VII.
RELIGIOUS CONDITION.
IN the previous chapter I spoke more directly
concerning the political and social environ-
ments of the colored people in Richmond,
as I found them at the close of the war. In this
chapter I wish to speak more definitely concerning
their religious condition. I arrived in Richmond
twenty-five days after the surrender, and was there
only two weeks when I was invited to assume
the pastorate of the Ebenezer Baptist Church. I
accepted the same for three months' trial, and at
the expiration of that time was duly called as the
regular pastor. This was at the beginning of an
important era in the religious history of the colored
people.
This church, as well as others through the South,
had never had a colored pastor. He who was con-
sidered the under-Shepherd and was expected to lead
his flock into the green pastures, and beside the still
waters, was always white. Why the colored people
should now change their old pastors for new ones,
88 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
may be more easily imagined than described. But
this must be said, that the colored people as a whole,
had but little confidence and faith in their white
pastors as religious leaders. They rather looked
upon them as parts of the machinery that belonged
to slavery, and regarded them more as religious
bosses, whose duty it was to keep them in their
places by persuading them to be contented with their
present lot and obey their masters in the flesh, for
such was well pleasing to God. Now they were free
?nd had a voice in selecting their pastor, it is not
unreasonable to suppose, that they wanted a pastor
who could sympathize with them in their afflictions,
and remember the bondman as bound with him.
They wanted one who could preach without fear,
not only on obedience but on love, the Fatherhood
of God, and the Brotherhood of man, and how Christ
came to deliver the captive, and set the bondman
free. On such topics as the foregoing the white
pastor always had to touch lightly, for fear af losing
his official head.
In this new state of affairs naturally new difficul-
ties arose. There were no colored preachers educa-
ted and trained in the South for this important trust
and responsibility. Whatever qualifications I had
for the pastorate, and my ideas of the church polity,
had all been received in the North and not from the
South.
I was brought immediately face to face with
strange customs and trying difficulties.
RELIGIOUS CONDITION. 89
I found that the male and female members of the
church were not allowed to sit together on the
same side of the church. When the husband and
wife entered the vestibule of the church, they sep-
arated, the husband going in at one door to his side
of the house, and the wife going in at another door
to her side of the house. Likewise the mother and
son, the bridal couple, the lover and the loved, all
had to conform to this rule. I condemned and
ridiculed such a custom as a relic of slavery, and
soon had the families sitting together, and the
young men with the young ladies whom they
accompanied to church.
This was a new state of things, and soon my
church was named the " aristocratic church "
The women were allowed no part in the church
meetings. I tried to show that the women bore the
greater part of the burden and expenses of the
church, and as members they were entitled to recog-
nition. Before I left the church the women not
only had a voice, but voted in the business meetings.
One of the most perplexing difficulties I met with
at the beginning of my religious work in the South
was the "Marriage Question" Not that phase of
the question that is often debated — "Is marriage a
failure?" but how to join together those who wanted
to be joined in matrimony. During the days of
slavery slaves were married according to the state
law, but lived together more on the concubinage
order. The husband and wife, after living together
90 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
long enough to have children, were often separated
and sold into different parts of the South, never to
see each other again. And thus separated they
were encouraged to marry again, and raise children
for the slave-market. As I have intimated, Vir-
ginia, and Richmond especially, was the great slave-
market that furnished the majority of the slaves for
the rest of the South.
Now that freedom had been proclaimed through-
out the land, hundreds of those who had been sep-
arated returned to their former home. But they
found their former companions married again —
they of course expecting never to see them again.
Now here came the difficulty ; as the marriage of
the slaves consisted only in common consent among
themselves and their masters, the state law had
nothing to do with it. Therefore, special legislative
enactment had to be made to meet the case ; there-
upon the legislature passed a law, recognizing all
living together as man and wife. After this they
had to be married according to the state law. Just
before and after this enactment a large number
came to me to be married, seven and eight couples
a night.
The perplexing part was, as I have intimated,
to determine which were the right ones to marry.
This state of things existed not only in Virginia, but
all through the South. There was great need of
competent pastors to meet this, and other phases of
religious work. Accordingly, several who were
RELIGIOUS CONDITION. 91
thought to be fitted for the work, were set apart and
ordained to the ministry with the authority to marry,
the Freedman's Bureau granting them the proper
license to perform the ceremony. I might here
mention a few of the many who were at that time
set apart for the work. Rev. Richard Wells, who
succeeded me as pastor of the Ebenezer, and is still
pastor at this writing; Rev. Fields Cook, Rev.
Scott Goffney, Rev. John Jasper, who has attracted
the attention of the world with his idea that the sun
moves round the earth ; Rev. W Robinson, Rev.
John White, Rev. Ned Jentry, Rev. Jordan Smith,
and others.
These men have had good records, and accom-
plished much for their race.
I must say that my work at the Ebenezer was one
of joy as well as difficulty. It was my pleasure to
receive many into the church by baptism, and dur-
ing my four and one half years' pastorate to see the
membership increase from six hundred, to fourteen
hundred.
During my stay with the church I had several of
my white friends from Boston, Mass., to visit
me, and see the nature of the work I was doing.
It may not be out of the way here for me to men-
tion a few names in this connection. The first
is that of Mr. John Lovett, of the firm of James
Lovett & Company. Mr. Lovett was much
impressed with the congregation ; he had never
looked upon such an assembly as he faced in my
92 SLATE CABIN TO PULPIT.
church. The congregation to him seemed to have
the appearance of Joseph's coat, conspicuous for its
many colors.
He afterward inquired about this peculiar com-
position of the audience, and wanted to know if
white people were accustomed to attend regularly at
the church. I took the opportunity to inform him
that the people whom he supposed to be white were
not white, but colored, according to the status of the
South. "Why," said he, "they are as white as I
am." I admitted the truth of his statement, but
further explained by saying, that the condition of
the colored child usually followed its mother,
regardless of the white parentage ; that is to say, if
the mother was considered colored, the child was
considered the same, though the father was white.
This same gentleman was much amused with a
little incident that happened while he was present.
I had in the pulpit with me a brother minister, who
was overcome by the heat and labor of the day, and
was inclined to fall in the arms of sweet sleep. At
intervals, during my discourse, I would put my hand
on this brother and endeavor to arouse him. This
seems to have made such an impression on my friend
Mr. Lovett, that years afterward, he would joke me
about it, and relate the same to his friends.
Mr. Isaac Fenno, who was always thoughtful and
kind to me, and assisted me in my work among the
freedmen, also visited Richmond during my stay.
On the occasion of his visit I happened to preach in
RELIGIOUS CONDITION. 93
the Old African, or better known now, as the First
Baptist Church. He was in the audience, but I did
not know it until I was through my discourse.
When I spied him in the congregation I made haste,
like Zacheus, to come down and shake him by the
hand, for I was more than truly glad to see him
there, knowing as I did, the deep interest he had in
my people. The hand-shake he gave me that morn-
ing was valuable as well as warm and sympathetic,
for there was left from it a ten-dollar print in my
hand. Such hand-shakes were not unwelcome in
those days.
Mr. William B. Spooner, of whom I have spoken
before, also made a visit, and because of his special
interest and relation to the work among the freed-
men, made a good report. Messrs. Walden and
Haskell, the well-known tanners of Salem, must also
be mentioned as among those who visited Richmond
and inspected the nature of the work we were doing.
These gentlemen I have spoken of had more than
a personal curiosity in the work I was doing, for they
had aided me financially in prosecuting the same;
and the visits made fully satisfied them as to the
merits and faithfulness of the work.
94 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
CHAPTER VIII.
RELIGION AT THE CLOSE OF THE WAR.
WISH to speak now concerning the general
religious status of the colored people at the
close of the war, and their relation to their
white brethren.
During the heated discussions of slavery and the
war conflict, the religious denominations, North and
South, divided on the subject of slavery, the north-
ern brethren believing it was wrong to hold slaves,
the southern brethren that it was right. The col-
ored people at this time, of course, had no religious
rights more than what their masters allowed them.
But now by the shock of war they had come into
possession of manhood rights, to what wing of the
denomination would they ally themselves, to the
southern or northern ?
At the close of the war, the colored Baptists
found that the southern Baptists had formed resolu-
tions against the northern Baptists, and desired to
have no communication with them. At the same
time the northern brethren were doing much to
RELIGION AT THE CLOSE OF THE WAR. 95
help the religious life of the colored people. The
southern Baptists wanted the colored brethren to
ally themselves with them ; this the colored brethren
hesitated to do, because they considered the north-
ern brethren their friends.
When the proposition was made to us by our
white brethren, our reply was, that we would consent
on these conditions : First, that they would take
back all they had claimed and said against the Bap-
tists of the North. And second, that they would
meet us as Christian brethren, and not as slaves.
A meeting was appointed, for both white and col-
ored, to consider the suggestions.
I was appointed by the colored brethren to repre-
sent them. And Rev. Mr. Sands, who had preached
for the colored people in Manchester, to represent
the whites. The said Sands was not only a preacher
but a member of the Virginia Bar, a lawyer by pro-
fession.
We met in one of the churches to talk the mat-
ter over. His opinion was, that the conditions were
too strong.
After we had interchanged views on the subject,
we adjourned to meet again at the call of the com-
mittee. When the second meeting was called, Rev.
Dr. Burrows spoke for the same, and did much to
persuade the colored Baptists to affiliate with the
white. But as this was the first time in the history
of the colored Baptists that we had had to make
terms we were inclined to hold to our propositions.
96 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
A third meeting was called, in which my old friend,
Dr. Jeter, spoke for the white brethren. But this
meeting was similar to the other two, as far as the
result was concerned, for the colored brethren seemed
fully determined as before. Finally, the white breth-
ren abandoned the attempt, feeling, if not express-
ing it in words, that "Ephraim was joined to his
idols," the northern Baptists. The reasons why our
white brethren wanted us to affiliate with them, I
may not be able to give ; certainly, they were very
loud in declaring that we had no men who were
competent and fit to preach and to act as pastors,
but experience has proven the contrary.
I think I voice the sentiment of my brethren
when I say, that we chose rather to grope our way
in the dark, than to have thrust upon us the kind of
preachers we had had in the dark days of slavery,
men who could neither sympathize with us, nor
preach us the full Gospel. Besides, we knew that
our white brethren denied our manhood, and with
their own hands had bought and sold human flesh.
If we were poor and ignorant we wanted to be
consistent.
I recall here an incident that will help to illus-
trate my meaning. About the time of which I am
speaking, a northern missionary by the name of
John Vassey, offered Dr. Burrows a Bible as a pres-
ent. The doctor refused it because of his feeling
and attitude toward the North. If the doctor,
after having a fair fight with the North, refused the
RELIGION AT THE CLOSE OF THE WAR. 97
Bible on the ground of consistency, what could he
have expected of us, the colored Baptists who hadn't
a half of a chance ?
At any rate we felt that we were justified in com-
ing out and forming a separate organization.
Accordingly, a convention of the colored Baptists
of Richmond and vicinity, was called, for the pur-
pose of considering plans of permanent organization.
The meeting convened in the Ebenezer Church, of
which I was the pastor, and formed themselves into
what is known as the Shiloh Baptist Association of
Virginia. Your humble servant was chosen as the
first president, and John Oliver, the secretary. The
said John Oliver was formerly of Boston, but went
South immediately at the close of the war, and ren-
dered much service for his people. I am proud to
say that this Association has been productive of
much good among the colored Baptists of Virginia.
The question may be asked, how was I treated in
Richmond by the local white people during my stay
there of nearly five years ? In part answer to such
a query I would say, that I was treated as well as
could be expected under the circumstances. Of
course there was a bitter feeling against all persons
who hailed from the North, whether they were black
or white. And naturally, I came in for my share.
Doubtless, a few incidents will better illustrate this
point, than I can describe it in language.
On account of the active interest I took in my
people, there were some who were inclined to look
98 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
upon me as a kind of a spy in behalf of the govern-
ment. Some time after I had relinquished my work
and interest in the courts, I was asked one day by a
local white gentleman, how much I had received for
my service? When I answered him, nothing, he
further remarked that "Many of us thought you were
a government spy sent here to watch us." It was a
duty as well as a pleasure for me to correct this false
impression.
I may say here, that once, during my two years'
service in the courts, looking after the interests of
the colored people, I did receive something ; but not
from any political source. It happened in this wise:
A poor old colored woman had lost her husband by
death. The physician who attended him during his
illness, sued this poor widow for the house she
lived in — which was valued at five hundred dollars.
She engaged a lawyer to defend her, but when the
case was called the lawyer could not be found. I
represented her before the judge, and her house
was saved.
This old woman was so pleased and gratified for
what I had done, that she brought me two dollars
and a half in gold. I refused it, but she insisted
that I should take it, or she would be displeased.
I took the money ; and that is the only compensa-
tion that I ever received for my service of two
years.
For a while, to say the least, the white South had
to endure the presence of the white " Yankees " ;
RELIGION AT THE CLOSE OF THE WAR. 99
but the black or "negger Yankees" they did not
want to see, or come in contact with.
Once I called at a lady's residence to see her ser-
vant, and while in the kitchen the lady herself came
in. And the cook introduced me as the pastor of
one of the colored churches, and that I was from
the North. She politely recognized me and intima-
ted that she was glad to see me. Then at once she
proceeded to speak adversely of the northern peo-
ple, by saying that they were very mean and stingy,
while the southern people were kind and liberal. I
remarked, that the northern people had to work
hard for their money and they were careful how
they used it.
She extended her remarks by saying that she had
an "old Anty" — referring to an old colored woman
by name — that the "Yankees" had set free; but
now she was poor and suffering for the necessities
of life. I asked her, about how much money did
she think this colored woman to whom she
referred, had earned for her during her time of
enslavement. "Well," said she, "likely some thou-
sands." This remark caused me to say: "Then,
madam, she is entitled to her earnings, is she not?"
She expressed herself to the effect that she believed
the colored people were made servants for the
white people.
I differed with her, and we entered into a discus-
sion of the history of races ; she was kind and con-
siderate in her address, and I endeavored to be the
100 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
same. And thus ended our meeting. I was
informed that when her husband came home, she
told him that a "negger Yankee" had been in her
yard, and about what I had said to her. He
expressed himself as being indignant, and regretted
that he was not present, so that he might introduce
me to the toe of his boot.
Of course I avoided that yard in the future. I
must say, however, that I was frequently sent for,
by other southern white people, to marry their ser-
vants, or preach the funerals.
A DISTINCTION. 161
CHAPTER IX.
A DISTINCTION.
AM always glad and ready to make the dis-
tinction that all white people are not alike.
A distinction that many white people are
unwilling to make relative to colored people. I do
not say, or believe, that because one white man
robs a bank and runs away with the people's money,
that all white men are thieves and robbers. But the
general verdict among white people seems to be that
if one colored man steals, all will steal.
There are some white people in the South whom I
consider to be very good people, though they were
slave owners. Many of them had feelings against
slavery, and rejoiced that it was abolished. The
opinion of Ex-Governor Henry A. Wise, who hung
John Brown, will be in place here. I heard Mr.
Wise, before Judge Underwood, in the United
States Court, make a statement something like the
following in substance. While in the course of his
argument he turned toward the colored people,
102 SLAVS CABIN TO PULPIT.
and pointing his finger directly at them said, "There
is the bone of our contention, and I am glad it is
gone, for I knew that slavery and freedom could not
exist together in the United States. I tried to get
the thing committed to arbitration, and the North, as
well as the South, is responsible for its existence, for
it was in the original compact, and both sections
were a party to it." This utterance of the Ex-
Governor of Virginia has always haunted me.
Was the North, as well as the South, responsible
for slavery ?
This question will doubtless be asked by the gen-
erations that are to follow us, and they, more
removed from the scenes of conflict, will unhesitat-
ingly give the proper answer. The mills of justice
grind slow, but they grind exceedingly fine.
I am glad to admit, also, that a great change has
come over the whole country since the close of the
war, in regard to the opinions concerning the col-
ored people. This is seen in the method of travel,
North and South. In some parts of the North the
colored people were denied many of the privileges
that they now enjoy.
I remember on one occasion, I was returning to
Richmond, from Boston, when arriving at New York,
I met the Honorable Frederick Douglass, and we
rode together to Philadelphia, where he was to lec-
ture. On our arrival at the depot we took a horse-
car for another part of the city. We had boarded
the car, Mr. Douglass had taken a seat inside, and
A DISTINCTION. 103
I was on the platform. When the conductor got to
me, he informed me that I "must get off this car."
I asked him why. He replied, he had no argument
to make, but « I must get -off and take the Jim Crow
Car."
I told him that he would have to take the respon-
sibility of putting me off. The conductor, for some
reason, had not spied Douglass, seated in the car.
Mr. Douglass at this moment sung out, and wanted
to know what was the matter. The aforesaid gentle-
man was surprised, and exclaimed, "What are you
doing out there?" Douglass continued by saying,
« Let that man alone ; that is Rev. Peter Randolph,
from Boston, Massachusetts." " And who are you ? "
said the conductor, half mad, and thinking that he
was contributing something for the amusement of
the passengers. The quick reply was, "That is
Frederick Douglass."
By this time some of the gentlemen on the car,
who had heard the name of Massachusetts, and Fred-
erick Douglass, interfered and told the conductor to
let those men alone, that they had no objection to
riding with them. The name of Massachusetts
seemed to have had a salutary effect in that car, in
putting things to right. Long may she live, and
hold her place in the front rank of the nation, and
exert an influence from ocean to ocean for the
oppressed. I believe in that statement which says,
the wheels of progress never go backward, but for-
ward.
104 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
I have strong faith in the rule of conscience,
and I believe that many of the hindrances that now
impede the progress of my people will be removed,
and that there will be better facilities, and greater
opportunities for them.
I regret exceedingly that there are some, who
term themselves ministers of the Gospel, who are
constantly holding up to public ridicule, the
immoral and degraded condition of some colored
people, and trying to prove that the colored people
as a race are unfit for citizenship. At this writing,
a prominent minister of New York City, writing on
the condition of the colored people, calls them bas-
tards, and says they are immoral and superstitious.
It may be that some are without legitimate fathers,
and some are immoral and superstitious. But the
same may be said of some white people, in almost
every thickly-settled community. But would any
minister, or anyone else, dare to say all were such ?
If he did he would be called a lunatic. Before the
white South parades the Negro's immorality before
the world, let her ask herself and conscience, what
has the South done to improve the degraded condi-
tion of the colored people. And is she free from all
responsibility in this matter? The preacher for the
time, should be uncompromising in the truth, not
making an apology for sin and wrong-doing, not cov-
ering up hypocrisy, but uncovering it, and teaching
men the awful consequences of sin. Theodore
Parker did not fail to criticise the ministers of the
A DISTINCTION. 105
Gospel for neglecting the weightier matters of the
law. What we need are more men of his character
who are able to arouse public sentiment in behalf of
the outraged and the oppressed.
I believe that this age will yet produce brave and
noble men who, like Parker, Sumner and Phillips,
will champion the cause of the weak and down-trod-
den, and that they will continue to carry on the
glorious work begun by their predecessors.
"Truth crushed to earth shall rise again."
106 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
CHAPTER X.
SPECIAL TRAITS.
HE colored people have often been criticised
for their emotional and sympathetic traits.
I hold that this emotional element is an
important adjunct to the progress of humanity. All
nationalities have their peculiar traits of character,
which, blended with others, add or detract in the
great progress of humanity.
The Negro race is deeply sympathetic and emo-
tional, the latter resulting from the former. For
where there is deep sympathy, there will be emotion
more or less. In the religious worship of the
colored people, perhaps, this element of emotion
finds its greatest opportunity for display. The
Negro is deeply religious, his sympathies run in that
direction. He is in full sympathy with religion, and
expresses it in his emotions.
Now, this emotional element produces enthusiasm
and fires up the cold and indifferent. "More enthu-
siasm " is what is wanted in all the avenues of life.
SPECIAL TRAITS. 107
Then it follows, naturally as the night follows the
day, that a deep sympathetic and enthusiastic nature
is necessary as a supplement to one that is cold and
indifferent.
I admit that some of the demonstrations mani-
fested on the part of many of the colored people in
their religious meetings, are not proper — for they
are carried to extremes. The meetings carried on
till a late hour, the groaning, and shouting, the get-
ting happy, and falling over benches, are features
that should be discouraged. All this, doubtless, is
the result of a deep religious nature, rough and
uncultivated, the overflow of a strong and buoyant
spirit. Now, what must be done with this nature?
destroy it ?
What should be done with a rough and uncul-
tivated, yet productive soil ? The iron ore, and the
unpolished diamond ? Destroy them ? The foolish
and ignorant could only say destroy them ; but
wisdom and experience would say cultivate, refine
and polish them, and you will have something that
will be useful and ornamental. So, in regard to the
emotional element in the Negro, cultivate, refine and
polish it, and you will have that which maketh not
ashamed, but desirable, adding strength and beauty
in the great temple of progress.
This sympathetic element is not only seen in the
religious worship of the colored people, but also in
their daily contact. The Negro is domestic, he
loves home, wife and children, and is easily moved to
108 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
tears by the affliction of any of these. In the dark
days of slavery, when parents and children were
forced to separate, and that not once, but often, at
each separation the scenes of affection were heart-
rending. I have conducted funerals where it
would not be unusual to see nearly the whole adult
congregation bathed in tears, while in some white
congregations it would be difficult to observe but
few, if any, weeping.
Not that the white people do not feel for their
beloved dead, but that the manifestation of it does
not show itself, as in the case of the Negro.
Often at the graves of their masters, who had
whipped and sold them into slavery, the slaves were
seen to weep, not tears of joy, but of sympathy and
sorrow. This emotional element that is manifested
in the Negro's life is usually sincere and without
sham or hypocrisy.
Often in the religious meetings, the visitor is
caused to smile and laugh out loud, at what appears
to him to be amusing, if not ridiculous. But the
worshipers, perspiring at every pore, were never more
in earnest, and never more sincere. And what is
more, this sincerity on the part of the colored peo-
ple have caused their critics to make allowance for
their eccentricities. Now, I maintain, as I have
already intimated, that this emotional or enthusiastic
element in the colored people — which is natural —
is capable of being turned to great good.
To deny the possibility of their development and
SPECIAL TRAITS. 109
high state of cultivation, is to deny the current facts
of history. Negroes, from the southern plantations
and tobacco factories, have stood as representatives
in the legislative halls, to champion and defend the
rights of man. In all the professions they are found,
and when opportunity is given they are ready and
able to compete with their more favored brothers
for the honors.
The fact that the soil will produce one hill of corn,
is an evidence that it will produce another. What
man has done, it is reasonable to suppose man can do
under similar and favorable circumstances. What,
then, must be our conclusion in this matter ? This.
Encourage the Negro to develop the resources that
are within him. He has patience, for he has been
the great back-horse and burden-bearer of America.
He has sincere faith in God, and enjoys his religion.
With his patience, sincerity and enthusiasm he will
help to evangelize the world.
After my four years and a half of active service in
Richmond and vicinity, I returned again to Boston,
my former home. I found on my arrival that a large
number of colored people had gathered here from
different parts of the South in search of homes and
employment. The name Boston always had a musical
and joyous sound to the colored people in the South.
This was not unreasonable, for this city was foremost
in advocating the Negro's cause and vouchsafing to
him the immunities of citizenship. May this grand old
city always hold the first place in the Negro's affection.
110 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
It may be that this fact — Boston's friendship for
the Negro — had a little to do with a large number
coming to Boston. Be that as it may, the fact is, I
found a large number scattered in and about the
South End of the city, who were recently from the
South. Many of these were like sheep without a
Shepherd, leaving their churches in the South behind
them, and having no church affiliations here. Owing
to the habits and customs in the South, and also
their mode of worship, only a few ventured to visit
the white churches. I flattered myself as knowing
somewhat the needs of my people. After talking
the matter over with several brethren, and consulting
with my old friend, Deacon Ezekias Chase, I
decided to take hold of the work, and do what I
could to build up a Baptist Church at the South
End.
Already the good people at Clarendon St. Baptist
Church, of which Rev. A. J. Gordon was the honored
pastor, had begun work among the children by form-
ing a Sunday School.
This Sunday School, under the auspices of the Clar-
endon Street folks, was held every Sunday at 12 10
Washington Street. I noticed that a number of the
parents of these children would occasionally drop in
at this school. The thought occurred to me that
this was the place to begin a church ; accordingly
the church was started with a handful of earnest
men and women.
All movements, secular and religious, have oppo-
SPECIAL TRAITS. Ill
sers and obstacles. This struggling branch was no
exception to the rule. One of the difficulties I had
to contend with during the services in this hall, or
place of our first meeting, was the presence of a
club of young men in the adjoining apartment.
While I was preaching the voices of these men
could be audibly heard in my congregation. One
would sing out " I pass," another " I have Jack,"
"trumps," "spades," and such expressions as are
common to card players. Doubtless their idea was
to get us disgusted, and cause us to leave, that
they might continue their gambling on the Lord's
day.
We continued to preach, and finally, that peculiar
noise of the cards falling on the table ceased, and
the young men evidently sat quietly listening to us.
At length they would not gamble at all during the
religious service, but would come in, and sit in our
audience. Their faces and appearances indicated
that they were not the best class of young men. I
believe our preaching had a good effect upon them,
for when we left the hall for the want of more room,
and selected another place of worship, some of these
young men continued to visit our services.
During our stay in the hall on Washington
Street our numbers were greatly augmented, and
we removed from there to the church edifice on
West Concord Street, a more commodious place of
worship. The latter was secured to us through the
kindness of Rev. Geo. C. Lorimer, D. D., and the
112 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
dear brethren at the Clarendon Street Baptist
Church.
Dr. Lorimer, at this time, was the pastor of the
First Baptist Church, located on Shawmut Avenue
and Rutland Street. Before we entered the Con-
cord Street meeting-house — which seated about
five hundred people — the church was organized and
recognized as the Ebenezer Baptist.
I cannot say too much in the way of commenda-
tion and praise of the Clarendon Street folks, for
their hearty sympathy, co-operation, and financial
aid, which was extended to us. Nor too much of
the beloved and lamented Deacon Ezekias Chase,
who for forty years had been my personal friend.
He, with many others, have finished their earthly
career, and have gone to receive the reward of the
faithful.
At Concord Street our congregation was largely
increased, and we had a number of candidates ready
for baptism. Unfortunately for us we had no pool
in our church, and was compelled to go elsewhere
in order to perform the rite. Through the kind-
ness of Dr. Gordon and his officers, our first bap-
tism was observed at the Clarendon Street Baptist
Church. According to the arrangements, on a
certain Sunday morning, after the doctor's sermon
to his congregation, I appeared on the scene with
twenty-one candidates, and a large part of my con-
gregation following me. Most of the doctor's con-
gregation had never witnessed what they called a
SPECIAL TRAITS. 113
"Colored Baptism ", and they remained to see the
performance of the same. I have already intimated
that most of these people were recently from the
South, and their habits and customs were their only
heritage from slavery.
I had cautioned them beforehand, that as they
v/ere going to Dr. Gordon's church to be baptized,
they must be as careful and calm as possible. But
I am sorry to say that most of them forgot my
advice.
The first one I immersed showed a little sign of
excitement, and the second a little more, so the
excitement increased gradually, till some got happy
in the water, and so on. At the beginning of the
excitement Dr. Gordon arose and dismissed his con-
gregation, intimating that it was doubtless best for
us to be alone, as we had some ways peculiar to our-
selves. He might have added that we had learned
these in the house of bondage.
There was one noticeable feature that attracted
some attention. As I was baptizing one man, who
was quite dark, all at once a voice shouted out in
the gallery, "That's my husband." Many of the
congregation mistook her for a white woman, but she
was a bright mulatto. Rev Mr. Gordon deeply
sympathized with me in my embarrassed condition,
and I was so ashamed of the action of my people
that I never went there to baptize again.
The Ebenezer Church continued to increase in
membership and influence, until to-day it is one of
114 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
the largest colored churches in Boston. True, the
church has had many changes in the pastorate, and
this doubtless could not very well be avoided,
owing to the composition of the membership and
congregation. These were mainly uneducated peo-
ple, not from one part of the South only, but from dif-
ferent parts. Few had any definite idea of church
government, yet all had some idea as to how a
Baptist church should be carried on, that is, they
thought they did.
Those who came from Virginia had their ideas as
to how a church should be conducted, and likewise
those who came from North Carolina, Alabama,
Georgia or Florida, had theirs also. Each different
set wanted their kind of a preacher, and the major-
ity usually carried the day. The uneducated min-
ister would naturally go with the crowd that voted
for his coming.
With this peculiar membership the minister would
not have smooth sailing all the time. The remedy
for this babel state of affairs will come through the
intelligent, educated ministry, which shall enlighten
the people, and bring them up to the correct stand-
ard, and not appeal to their ignorant methods inher-
ited from slavery.
What is needed, also, is more co-operation on the
part of the white brethren in this whole matter.
This applies to colored churches all over the country.
Give the churches better leaders, educated and
trained in all doctrine. This the white people
SPECIAL TRAITS. 115
must do, for the colored people are poor and have
nothing.
Having relieved myself of the work and respon-
sibility of the Ebenezer Baptist Church, I still
remained in Boston and vicinity, ready to help in
every good work, where my services were wanted.
Owing to my relation to the churches and old
acquaintance in the city, I was constantly called
upon to officiate at funerals, address organizations,
and different societies. Frequently I was called to
other cities and towns to preach and supply vacant
pulpits.
In Providence, R. I., I supplied the Ebenezer
Church there for one year, and my stay was blessed
with much success. While serving this church I
met there some of my relations who were sold from
the "Brandon Plantation," on the James River,
that I spoke of in the previous chapters. We were
unknown to each other, until we found out where we
came from. This may seem amusing to some, but
it is a common thing among colored people to meet
in one another's company for years and not know
that they are near kin until some incident occurs
like this. In many of the larger cities and towns in
the North, and especially in New England, like Prov-
idence, Worcester, New Bedford, Springfield, New
Haven, Hartford and Newport, there is a large
population of colored people, the majority of whom
came from the South since the war. They are
usually the poorer class of colored people, who come
116 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
to better their condition ; some come direct from the
plantations, others from the cities and tobacco fac-
tories. As a rule, all are hard-working people, and
where they get fair wages and kind treatment they
will work themselves nearly to death.
In the South, their great social and religious
enjoyment has come through their church life.
And naturally they seek such affiliations as soon as
they arrive. In many places they are too poor and
too few in number to have a self-sustaining church,
and ought to remain as a mission under some white
church that is willing and able to instruct and assist
them.
IN MANY FIELDS. Ill
CHAPTER XI.
IN MANY FIELDS.
|OME of the white Protestant churches
have done noble work along this line.
The Clarendon Street Baptist Church, of
which I spoke, is a good illustration of this fact.
But most of the white churches, for some reason,
are indifferent or soon tire of the work. The Cath-
olic Church of Rome is taking advantage of this
indifference on the part of Protestants toward their
colored brother. The progress of the Church of
Rome among the colored people for the last few
years, will surprise anyone who will look into the
subject. The colored people of America in the
main, are Protestants, and so inclined. It will be
no credit to the Protestant Church of America to
let the Church of Rome capture these out of her
hands.
It has been my privilege to visit many of these
scattered and weak churches, and do what I could to
help them.
118 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
Worcester, Mass., was also one of the places
where I labored for a short time, endeavoring to build
up the people.
The colored Baptist here as elsewhere were weak,
and struggling for existence. I presented their
interest to the white brethren of the denomination,
but they were slow to take hold of the work, and
rather inclined to criticise the colored people for
their mode of worship. This I tried to show was
the result of the institution of slavery, for which
the whole country was in part responsible.
At the close of my remarks a brother minister
arose, and said that he was very much interested in
what I had to say. And while continuing he said
to the congregation: "Brethren, we may not, as
individuals, have injured the colored people, but we
have as a nation, and we might just as well acknowl-
edge it." How much better was this simple testi-
mony to the truth than all the skilled and apologetic
arguments made in defence of the wrong against
the colored people. When Joseph's brethren had
time to think and talk the matter over, they said
one to the other, "We have wronged our brother."
When the American people have had plenty of time
to think over their relation to their colored brother,
they will make the acknowledgment that the
brothers of Joseph made — " We have wronged our
brother."
I alluded to the testimony of the minister at Wor-
cester, because it was an exceptional thing for a
IN MANY FIELDS. 119
clergyman to speak out as he did. In the dark days
of slavery there was hardly one minister out of a
hundred that spoke in behalf of the oppressed slave.
And to-day the same might almost be said of the
ministers in the South and the North, relative to
the barbarous and inhuman outrages committed on
the colored people. This is a Christian nation, yet
the burning of colored people at the stake is of fre-
quent occurrence.
We tremble and shudder when we read Fox's
Book of Martyrs, but who is affected at the burning
of Negroes alive in the South ? The pulpit
should speak out against this blot on American
Christian civilization, but it is conspicuous for its
silence. We need another Webster to say, " If the
pulpit is silent she is false to her trust."
Speaking of the colored people and the difficulties
they have in their church affairs, reminds me of a
visit I made to Cleveland, Ohio, some years ago.
In conversation with the deacon of the First Baptist
Church, he turned on this phase of the subject with
the colored churches.
He spoke of the difficulties he had experienced in
the early history of his own church, and expressed
himself as not being surprised at the troubles the
colored congregations had; for coming, as many of
them did, from different parts of the South, unedu-
cated and untrained, confusion was rather expected.
This deacon's view is the most intelligent and
charitable that I have ever heard from a white
120 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
brother concerning the colored churches in the
North.
His idea on this point is worthy of repetition ;
certainly if the white churches with all their intel-
ligence and systems have " church fusses ", what
must be expected where there is no system and no
education, to speak of ? If the green tree can barely
escape, how will the dry tree be effected ?
The progress that some of these churches have
made in spite of difficulties is an evidence that
there are possibilities within the church which, if
properly cared for, will make them efficient and self-
supporting.
My work at Mashpee, among the Indians, also
claims a brief mention in these notes.
Mashpee, Gay Head, and many other settlements
in the vicinity of Cape Cod, are distinguished for
their Indian descendants. In the early days of New
England history, some of the most war-like tribes
lived in this neighborhood. Of course, the remnant
that now remains is not the genuine article, but a
mixture of white and colored people, by intermar-
riage ; still there is much that is characteristic of the
Indian. The people at Gay Head and Mashpee
have remained somewhat to themselves in a separate
reservation, have their own schools and churches,
and in the main, they are farmers and fishermen.
Some of the best whalers that have chased after the
king fish, have come from among these half Indian
young men.
IN MANY FIELDS. 121
The Gay Head boys have made themselves
prominent by the bravery that was exhibited in
rescuing the survivors from the wrecked steamer,
"City of Columbus"
I found the Mashpee people to be kind, intelli-
gent, and lovers of their church, and though my stay
among them was of short duration, they were well
pleased with the service I rendered them as a
preacher.
Their church was located a little back in the
woods on a hill, and close by a stream. Tradition
says, that this stream or pond, was the favorite
trout-fishing ground for Daniel Webster, the great
statesman.
While supplying this church I met here a friend
of mine from Boston, who was not considered much
of a church goer. He expressed the idea that he
would like to hear me preach ; accordingly, like
Nicodemus, he sought a by-path which led indi-
rectly to the church, and sat on the outside to
listen while the worshipers were assembled inside.
He took his departure, however, before the congrega-
tion was dismissed, and no one saw him come or go.
He informed some members of the church that he
had been to the church and heard me preach, and to
convince them, he related a story that I told of a
man crossing a river with his sheep, which he
characterized as that "sheep story"
The last time I met him in Boston he wanted to
know about that old " sheep story " As I was the
122 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
first colored preacher to supply these people, they
turned out en mass on the first Sunday, and mani-
fested much curiosity, expecting to see me get
happy, jump up and shout. Happily for them, they
were forced to change their minds in this respect.
Nantucket, which seems to be cut off from the
rest of the world, cannot be reached by the pedes-
trian ; but he who would reach its shores must go by
the way of the briny deep. I had made arrangements
to supply the Baptist Church on this island for a short
time, but the Sunday I was expected, I did not
arrive, because there was so much water between
myself and the island. It has been the rule of my
life always to be punctual in regard to my appoint-
ments, and doubtless much of the success I have
had is due to this fact ; but this is one of the times
that I "got left"
I had been misdirected as to the direct course to
Nantucket, and after going a station or two out
of my way, I had to return and start again, and
accordingly, when I arrived at Hyannis on the Cape,
where I was to take the steamer, the boat not wait-
ing for me, had taken its departure, and there would
not be another until Monday morning. I was
informed, also, that the next train back to Boston,
would be on Monday morning — this was anything
but consolation.
I was at two extremes, the end of the rail-
road and at my wits' end. Here I found myself in
a strange place and among strange people, and must
IX MAXY FIELDS. 123
remain half the day Saturday, and all day Sunday.
What to do was the question ?
I inquired for the Baptist pastor and found one,
Rev. J. Brownston by name. He met me at his
door as a gentleman and a Christian. I related to
him my story and disappointment in not reaching
Nantucket. He extended to me the hospitalities of
his home, and invited me to remain over Sunday.
I attended the service in his church in the morning;
the theme of his discourse was the providence of
God in the affairs of men.
He referred to me as an illustration of the sub-
ject. How, in the providence of God, I was pre-
vented from going to Nantucket, that I might
remain in Hyannis over Sunday. The subject and
the manner in which he treated it, made a
great impression upon me. He announced to his
congregation that I would preach in the evening, and
give some account of my slave life and advent to
Boston. Accordingly, at the evening service a large
congregation was present. I did the best I could
in way of preaching, and related some facts of my
slave life. How I came to Boston in 1847, with
sixty-six companions, and so on.
One of the pleasant and surprising things to me
was, that there was an old brother in the audience
who remembered the time of our arrival, and was
one among the crowd that greeted us at Long Wharf,
Boston. The presence of this gentleman gave a
double emphasis to all I had to say on this point.
124 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
On Monday morning I took my departure from
Hyannis, believing firmer than ever, that the provi-
dence of God guides in the affairs of men. In
crossing that part of the Atlantic that lies between
Nantucket and the main land, one must not look
for all smooth sailing, if so, doubtless there will be
some disappointment, but you must be willing to
smell and taste a little of "old Ocean"
On reaching Nantucket I was much impressed
with the place and its people, though the first
impression was not a very favorable one, for I was
looking for a larger town and more activity among
the people. It was certainly a sea-girt island, and
ancient in its architectural structures. The people
were of a mixed population, with much of the Indian
element, whose main occupation was that of
fishing.
In the early days of whale-fishery Nantucket was
one of the leading ports. The people are proud of
their history, and take great delight in showing
strangers dilapidated buildings, that are distin-
guished for their age.
The traditional history of the name Nantucket,
seems to be quite familiar among the young people.
They will tell you about the three islands the
sovereign of England gave to his three daughters,
Martha, Elizabeth and Nancy.
The first two were taken by Martha and Elizabeth,
and called respectively, Martha's Vineyard, and Eliza-
beth Islands. As there was only one left, "Nan,"
IN MANY FIELDS. 125
she took it; and the island bears the name of
Nantucket, because Nancy took it. I cannot say
positively that Nancy got the best of the three
islands, for when I discovered that I had to eat
clams or fast — knowing that I was not too fond of
that fish — I desired to be in a more convenient
place. On the whole, my stay at Nantucket was
pleasant and I have made several visits to the island.
I will also briefly state, that I preached for a
while in Albany, New York. And also served the
church at West Newton, Mass., for one year. All
these fields I have mentioned include the time after
my return from the South. Doubtless much of the
work done in these fields was imperfect. But I
have had occasion to rejoice again and again at the
result of the seed that was sown.
126 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
CHAPTER XII.
THE LAW.
jS I was born a slave in the South and deprived
of all educational advantages, the oppor-
tunity for self-improvement, after my
emancipation, I rarely allowed to go by, though I
had a family to support. When I was pastor in New
Haven I availed myself of the public lectures that
were given. Also in like manner, when I was in
Richmond, Va., I attended the school for preachers
there, and I always sought the presence and compan-
ionship of those who were able to help me, through
the conversation and discussion of important subjects.
Accordingly, soon after I gave up the active pas-
torate of the Ebenezer Baptist Church, Boston, I
entered the law office of E. G. Walker, Esq., and
read law for a while, not with a view of practicing,
but for the sake of a more definite idea of the com-
mon law. With this general knowledge I thought
I could render much acceptable service to many of
THE LAW 127
my people who are ignorant of their environments
and the laws that govern them.
I was made a Justice of the Peace, under Governor
Washburn, and reappointed by Governor Long and
Governor Ames, respectively. While in this capac-
ity I rendered helpful service to some of my people.
But as this was not my calling I did not continue in
it very long.
Before closing these brief but important sketches
of my life, from slavery to freedom, I wish to relate
a pleasant episode that happened on one of my
return visits from Richmond to Boston.
Owing to the ill health of my wife and family, it
was necessary for me to make stated visits to the
North, at the same time availing myself of the
opportunity of informing and interesting my friends.
in the southern work. During one of these visits I
happened in the Boston Post Office one day, and on
entering, my eyes rested on what appeared to be a
flat pocket-book ; I examined the contents and found
the name of Charles Vinell attached.
I inquired of the delivery clerk if he knew of
such a person ; he informed me that the said Vinell
had called for letters and that he resided down on
Cape Cod. I was acquainted with one Deacon Vinell
who lived in Cambridge, Mass., and had his office
with Gardiner Colby. Accordingly I called on Mr.
Vinell, told him my story of the pocket-book, and
asked him if he knew this Mr. Vinell, from the
Cape. He informed me that he often did business
128 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
with him, and that he was a distant relative of
his.
In the meantime Mr. Vinell, the owner of the
pocket-book, was exercising himself not a little in
search of his property.
He had visited five different places to see if he
had left it "there" His agitation of mind can
better be imagined than described; doubtless he
scratched his head more than once where it did not
itch, endeavoring to stir up his memory, for that
wallet contained what might be regarded by some as
a small fortune. Finally he found his way back to
the Post Office, which at that time was located on
State Street. As he entered, full of excitement, the
clerk anticipated him by saying, "You have lost
your pocket-book, sir?" He intimated he had, and
that he had been hunting everywhere he had gone,
for it, and wanted to know if anyone had seen it in
the office.
The Post Office clerk assured him that the purse
had been found, and was safe in the hands of a col-
ored man whom he knew, the Rev. Peter Randolph,
who was preaching among the freedmen in the South,
and that he could be found at the office of Gardiner
Colby. He forthwith struck a B-line for this office,
where I happened to be at the time. As he entered
some one said to me, "That is Mr. Vinell." As he
came in, with his face radiant with a smile, I
approached him and said, "You have lost your
pocket-book, sir?" He seemed too full for utter-
THE LAW 129
ance, and gave only smiles for answer. As I
returned the pocket-book I asked him how much it
contained. " Something over five thousand dollars,"
was the reply. As he received it, he said, "Now,
what shall I give you?" "Anything you please,
sir." He gave me five dollars and an invitation to
visit him at his home on the Cape.
A few days after this I read in the papers that
a colored boy from Richmond, Va., had picked up a
purse of five thousand dollars, and was liberally
rewarded with five dollars. This newspaper article
gave two impressions that I wanted to correct ; the
first was, that I was not a boy, but a man, con-
sidered old enough to vote, if nothing else. So
accordingly I called on Mr. Haskill, editor of the
Transcript, and related to him the correct story
relative to the pocket-book.
He published the same in his paper and informed
the public that I was not the boy spoken of, but the
Rev. Peter Randolph, who was pastor of a large
church in Richmond. The second impression I
wanted corrected, was that I was not complaining
because of what Mr. Vinell gave me, for I consid-
ered him the only rightful possessor of the purse and
contents. When my many friends learned that I
was the person who had found the money, they came
together and presented me with a present of some
two hundred dollars.
I accepted Mr. Vinell's invitation and made him a
visit at the Cape, which was very pleasant and profit-
130 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
able, and through his influence I was able to solicit
the sympathy and co-operation of several friends in
the southern work.
If there is any moral to this pocket-book story,
it is this : Honesty is always the best policy, and
brings its own reward.
RETROSPECT. 131
CHAPTER XIII.
RETROSPECT.
|HE river has its bend and the longest road
must terminate. As I look backward and
take a retrospective view of my past toils
and sorrows, and the vicissitudes through which I
have passed, I feel that I have much to be thankful
for. I am greatful to Almighty God for emancipa-
tion from cruel southern bondage, and for directing
my course to liberty-loving Massachusetts. I am
thankful to that noble band of men and women who,
by pen and tongue acting under the highest impulse,
did not hesitate to perform their duty in behalf of
outraged and oppressed humanity.
I shall never forget those brave and patriotic men
who, tearing themselves from the embrace of their
families, hastened to the scene of conflict and poured
out their dearest blood for freedom and right.
I thank God for the unity and good feeling that
exist between the North and South ; for the mate-
132 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
rial prosperity of which we have a right to boast ;
and join with others in the grand anthems of praise :
"My country, 'tis of thee, Sweet land of liberty,"
" God bless our native land," and, " Firm may she
ever stand."
But, with all my gratitude and praise, I still feel
ashamed of the present condition of our colored
Americans, in this great country.
A candid review of that condition will show that
it is far from what it ought to be, in view of the
great loss of blood and treasure.
The sacrifices and insults that the anti-slavery folks
were forced to endure, the suffering and privations of
the soldiers on the battle-field, and in prison pens ;
the loss of over a million lives, and eight billions
of money, should have been sufficient to dig a
grave so deep for slavery, that it would never rise
again to vex the country in any form.
Doubtless there are many who think this has
been done, and done once for all. I sincerely hope
so.
But, as in the days of slavery, so now, I hear the
voice of my oppressed brethren in the South, crying
for help and protection. Protection from the lash,
shot-gun, lynching, and that most fiendish custom —
which was unknown in the days of slavery — the
burning of colored people alive at the stake. These,
my outraged brethren, have again and again waited
upon the President through their delegations, and
presented to him their grievances. The delegations
RETROSPECT. 133
have been politely received, only to be informed
that the President could do nothing. They have
returned to their homes to be abused the more for
daring to complain of the treatment accorded them
by the white South.
Outrageous methods are resorted to, in order to
defraud the poor people out of their honest toil, and
deprive them of their civil and political rights.
Many of these methods are known to both white
and colored.
If the colored citizens dare to come together and
defend themselves and their homes, the attacking
party raise the cry of "Race Riot", and forthwith
the state militia hurries to the scene to shoot and
abuse the colored people only.
White men who condemn and speak out against
this condition of affairs are gagged, or forced to
leave the section for a more congenial clime. The
pulpit and press, which are recognized forces in
every community, encourage, rather than condemn,
the persecution of the colored people ; the pulpit by
its silence, the press by actually urging it on.
A colored man may be arrested on suspicion of
crime, and before his trial or even he reaches jail,
the southern press publishes to the world, that
"a black fiend has been arrested, and it is likely he
will be lynched."
The white South seems to think the colored Amer-
icans have but few rights that they are bound to
respect, and they have the colored people in their
134 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
hands, as clay in the hands of the potter, to mould
into shape, or dash into pieces. The North —
judging from its indifference and non-interference —
are gradually turning the whole " Negro question "
over to the South to take care of.
What will the South do with the Negro ? will be
the question. Will she educate and elevate him as
an intelligent citizen or degrade him to a serf and
slave ? She has the power to do either.
The unconditional control the victorious North
permitted the conquered South to exercise over the
colored people since emancipation, is one of the
things that will perplex the future historian for expla-
nation. The North, with the aid of two hundred
thousand colored soldiers, succeeded in giving the
South a severe thrashing. President Lincoln, when
he saw the bravery and courage that was displayed
by these soldiers on the battle-field — regardless of
his previous opinions he may have held on the sub-
ject— declared before his God, that the four mil-
lions of slaves in this country should be free. And
General Benjamin F Butler, when he rode over that
memorable battle-field and saw the ground covered
with brave black soldiers, then and there, he
resolved before God, " To these people ever to be
true." And he kept his word to the letter; and
when he breathed his last at the national capital his
colored friend and faithful servant was the last one
to look upon his living countenance.
Lincoln and Butler had good reasons for chang-
RETROSPECT. 135
ing their former views relative to the status of the
colored people in this country.
Their position to the general government, and to
their former masters, should have guaranteed to
them better protection.
To set them free, and leave them without the
necessary protection, at the mercy of their former
owners, maddened by reason of their defeat, was
indeed an oversight.
The southern whites could forgive their north-
ern brethren for taking up arms against them ; but
for the colored man and slave who dared to take
up arms against the South, there could be no
forgiveness; the only thing for them was death.
And they have endeavored to make the Negro's
freedom taste as bitter to him as the dregs of
slavery ever tasted.
Charles Sumner, with the insight of a true states-
man, anticipated this state of affairs. Realizing as
he did, that the Negro question was directly
or indirectly the source of all the trouble, it was his
supreme desire and aim, to so fix this question once
for all, that unlike Bancho's Ghost, it would never
arise to frighten the American people again. He
said to the country in acts, if not in words, the only
way to settle this question, is to change the status
of the Negro, make him a man with all the rights of
an American citizen, and put in his hands the bal-
lot as a means of his protection. He labored for
the realization of this result, but died before its con-
136 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
summation. Among his last words were these :
"Do not forget my Civil Rights Bill."
The North has forgotten it, and the South has
thrown it overboard as a "blunder of statesmanship"
I shall never forget my interview with Mr. Sum-
ner at the Coolidge House, Boston, on one of my
return visits from the South.
The object of my visit was to lay before him the
condition of my people as I viewed them, from per-
sonal contact.
It was early morning when I called, about the
time he was to have his breakfast. As I was
ushered into his presence, he remarked that I would
have to talk to him while he was eating, for his time
was so taken up that he had but few moments to
spare.
I began by saying, that there was never a people
in all the history of the world, that were placed in a
similar position as my people are placed at the pres-
ent time.
I spoke of the madness of the slaveholders as
analogous to that of Pharoah when he was forced to
let the people go. "But," I continued, "the Red
Sea separated Pharoah and his slaves; the freedmen
of the South were left with their masters where there
was hate and malace indescribable. The subject of
the king departed with gold, silver, and herds of
cattle ; but the poor emancipated slave had nothing
but his empty hands." As I thus began to talk with
Senator Sumner, he rested his knife and fork, and
RETROSPECT. 137
looked at me with signs of deep sympathy. Said
he:
" Mr. Randolph, in my feelings and sympathies, I
am a colored man, and feel most deeply all the
wrongs that your people suffer."
He also referred to the trouble he was having with
his own party ; intimating that it was departing from
its true principles, and about to leave the colored
man out in the cold.
Many of us have been taught by experience that
Sumner was right, and this will be seen more and
more as the years advance.
If Sumner was wrong in advocating the ballot for
the Negro, Lincoln was wrong in issuing his
emancipation proclamation ; if the proclamation was
a "military necessity", the ballot was a necessity,
for in the absence of military protection, the ballot
was the only protector. To condemn one is to
condemn the other.
Freedom and the right of franchise have come to
the colored man through the terrible ordeal of
war. The question that is paramount to all ques-
tions is : Shall the results of the war be recognized ?
This question the North must ask herself, and put
it to the South, and demand an answer. Nowhere
in our broad land — North or South — are freedom
and citizenship accorded to colored people as to
others.
There are not a few who endeavor to excuse their
treatment of the Negro, because of his vices. They
138 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
say he is a thief, unreliable and immoral. To inti-
mate that all men are thieves and liars, because one
man is found out to be so, is to manifest one's igno-
rance of human nature ; which is the same in a
black man as it is in a white man, under similar
circumstances.
To say that all colored people are dishonest and of
a bad character, is to be guilty of the same
foolishness.
On examination it will be found that the honesty
and integrity of the colored people will compare
favorably with others in the community. Those
who are dishonest and immoral are greatly indebted
to the institution of slavery, for their inheritance.
Slavery taught them to steal food, by depriving
them of sufficient food. It taught them to lie, by
punishing them severely when detected, and taught
them to be immoral by compelling men and women
to marry again and again, after their husbands and
wives had been sold, that they may raise a new set
of children for the slave market. Also, by the
forced relation of some of the masters and slave-
drivers, who begot children by slave women, and
sold the females at a high price to become mis-
tresses for white men.
When our southern friends speak of the immorality
of the colored people, without giving the cause, they
should have their fingers guarded upon their lips.
Regardless of all these signs of discouragement
there are still signs of encouragement. The prog-
RETROSPECT. 139
ress the colored people have made in face of all
difficulties is phenomenal.
Since their emancipation they have increased
from four millions to eight millions. Every seat in
their schoolhouses is filled, and there is an urgent
appeal for more efficient schools. The colored pop-
ulation in the United States pay taxes on $264,000,-
000 worth of property. And according to Mr.
Grady's statement, the colored people in Georgia
alone pay taxes on forty million dollars ($40,000,000)
worth of property ; and according to the auditor's
last report of Virginia, they pay over twelve million
dollars ($12,000,000) on taxable property.
The colored man is not only a plantation hand,
but he is a mechanic, tradesman and banker ; he is
a preacher, teacher, editor, lawyer and doctor. The
colored people in the States support seven colleges,
seventeen academies and fifty high schools, in which
there are thirty thousand pupils.
They have one million, five hundred thousand
children in the common schools, and twenty-four
thousand teachers. More than two million, five
hundred thousand of the race can read and write.
To let the Negro alone, remove all impediments
out of his way and encourage him to make progress
along these lines, will solve what appears to many to
be a difficult problem.
The duty of the colored man for the hour is to
prepare himself to be an intelligent and industrious
American citizen.
140 SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
The white people of this country and of the world
should be patient with the Negro in his progress, for
it will be impossible for him to eliminate in one gen-
eration the evil effects of two hundred and fifty years
of American slavery.
Christian civilization, if it has free course, will
adjust difficulties. If this cannot, what will?
Will emigration solve the question ? No, that will
simply throw our duty and responsibility on others.
Will extermination satisfy ? No, it will add insult
to injury, and like Cain and his brother, will greatly
add sorrow to this life and the life to come. There
is but one rule, and one only, that can solve the
"Race Problem," and all difficult problems.
That rule came from Heaven through Jesus
Christ, and was given to man as his only safe guide;
It is called the Golden Rule : " Do unto others as
you would have others do unto you." On this rests
the joy or sorrow of America.
SOME OF MY FRIENDS.
141
CHAPTER XIV
SOME OF MY FRIENDS.
IT is an old saying but a true one, that he
who would have friends must show himself
friendly.
These are the names of some of my friends who
have manifested their friendship during the chang-
ing scenes of my life, in addition to those mentioned
in the Second Chapter :
Frederick Batcheller,
Geo. E. Batcheller,
W. Patton,
L. Patton,
Chas. Morey,
A. Safford,
Samuel James,
F Baker,
H. M. Moon,
F. J. Smith,
John Rand,
Pliny Smith,
A. Pratt,
R. Goodwin,
W E. James,
J. D. Lovett,
Peter Hobert,
Ezekias Chase, Jr.,
Chas. Wiggins,
Chas. Wiggins, Jr.,
K. R. Tolman,
O. Holmes,
P C. Johnson,
F Nazro,
142
SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
Walter Smith,
Wm. Butler,
Geo. Denney,
E. W. Wheelock,
Ralph Warner,
Wm. C. Bond,
J. H. Clinch,
Wm. F- Mullen,
Hugh Carey,
Geo. Freeman,
Geo. Simmons,
Edward Kinnard,
Henry Callender, Jr.,
John Bishop,
Frederick Mosley,
Flavell Mosley,
Rev. A. J. Gordon, D. D.,
Rev. A. A. Miner, D. D.,
Rev. O. P. Gifford, D. D.,
Rev. Geo. C. Lorimer, D. D.,
John C. Lovell,
William Butler,
Cumming Bray,
John Hitchcock,
Wm. C. Durant,
Wm. Cole,
Chas. Cole,
Matthew Cox,
Chas. L. Andrews,
Author Hebbert,
F Moody,
J. M. Clinch,
Wm. Newton,
Nathaniel Comner,
Nathaniel Jones,
Samuel Loud,
O. V Brown,
Dr. Samuel Birmingham,
Mrs. John Lorthop,
Samuel Hatch,
Mr. Cudwell,
Samuel Hodgman,
Wm. Harris,
Chas. Roundy,
Chas. Cheney,
J. C. Bishop,
N. C. Bray,
W. E. Crocker,
H. G. Hotchkiss,
A. Van Wagnor,
J. Kendall,
Wm. Wardwell,
James Baxter,
Miss R. Bates,
Joseph Toctman,
Geo. R. Kelso,
Geo. Cooper,
J. A. Chebut,
Benj. Lovell,
Amos Thompson,
SOME OF MY FRIENDS.
143
W. J. Converse, Henry W. Comner,
Lucius Cheney, Chas. Barrett,
Messrs. Rhodes and Ripley, Chas. Smith,
Geo. R. Eager,
Miss Hattie Eager,
Miss Fannie Eager,
E. Thayer,
J. Sawyer,
C. Boynton,
Mr. Thompson,
Dea. Hill,
John May,
Chas. Butler,
Joseph Tuttle,
Mr. Lovejoy,
Mr. Frost,
Matthew Boles,
Paul Deen,
Geo. Chipman,
Chas. Phipps,
J. Roberts,
Jno. L. Patch,
Henry Prunk,
C. Mash,
Mr. Edmons,
O. H. Simson,
Chas. H. Newt
Jno. R. Davis,
Wm. Taylor,
J. Manning,
Mr. Griffis,
Mr. Hewes,
John Daniels,
Chas. Daniels,
Noble Hill,
Mr. Dadford,
Mr. Priest,
Amos Tapley,
Mr. How,
Silas Lothrop,
Willis Van Wagner,
Samuel Noyes,
J. C. Cambell,
Jno. M. Williams,
Mrs. Sarah Bond,
Richard Bond,
Wm. Claflin,
Mr. Vinson,
Walter B. Hewins,
Henry Jenkins,
O. J. C. Benn,
Wilson Owens,
Samuel Johnson,
E. R. Morse,
O. M. Wentworth,
Geo. T Clark,
O. A. Door,
144
SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT.
J. Brown,
Alexander Vaughn,
Frank Hinkley,
Moses A. Noyes,
Jno. D. Manning,
C. A. Mudge,
Geo. Robinson,
Nathaniel How,
Geo. Dexter,
Jno. Brigham,
Wm. B. Nye,
Ira B. Orcutt,
Frank Loring,
Mr Lyons,
Mr. Vose,
Edward Potter,
J. Moor,
Abner Tower,
Moses Tower,
Moses Tower, Jr.,
Geo. Callender,
Messrs. Hartshorn and
Wm. L. Garrison,
Wendell Phillips,
Wm. C. Humphres,
F. O. Dewey,
Wm. Varney,
Walter N. Dole,
Albert E. Prince,
A. S. Moore,
S. S. Weston,
Wm. H. Dunbar,
S. Stilman Blanchard,
Ezra Farnsworth,
Levi L. Wilcott,
Wm. Lincoln,
R. D. Green,
A. Demmick,
S. G. Bowdler,
A. Skilton,
Riley Pebles,
Geo. Blake,
Mr. Brown,
Hunt,
SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE
145
INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO SKETCHES
OF SLAVE LIFE.
T was on the morning of the 15th of Sep-
tember, 1847, that I learned from a constant
and true friend to the slave — Mr. Robert
R. Crosby — that a large company of colored people,
said to be emancipated slaves from Virginia, were
then landing from a schooner at Long Wharf. I
immediately went thither, and found the report cor-
rect. The people in question were in part upon the
wharf, and some had not yet left the vessel. I
entered into conversation with several of their num-
ber, and learned that they had been slaves in Prince
George County, Virginia, on the estate of Mr. Car-
ter H. Edloe, on the James River. Mr. Edloe died
in 1844, and by will provided for the emancipation
of his slaves, and for the payment to each one of fifty
dollars, whenever they should elect to receive their
freedom and go out of the State of Virginia. With
a few of his slaves, for especial reasons, he had dealt
much more liberally. The provisions of Mr. Edloe's
147
148 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
will, it would appear, however, were not carried out
in the spirit of the testator, and there is reason to
believe that the executor designedly deceived and
wronged the slaves. They were kept at work upon
the estate as slaves for more than three years after
their master's death, on the pretence that there was
not money sufficient to pay them the sum which the
will specified. At the end of that time, in despair of
obtaining their rights under the will, the larger part
of the people determined to take what they could get,
which was less than fifteen dollars each, and go to a
free state. There were sixty-six of them — of both
sexes and of all ages, from seventy-five years down
to infancy — who decided to go to Boston. Their
passage was secured in the schooner Thomas H.
Thompson, Wickson, master, by which vessel they
arrived in Boston, as stated above.
Such was the story told to me ; and I may add,
that further inquiries have entirely satisfied me of
its correctness. I found these emancipated people
without exception, desirous of obtaining situations
where they might at once go to work — none fearing
but that they could support themselves and their
families, if they could find employment. Of course
I expressed my readiness to aid them in obtaining
places, if they wished to do so. The offer was
gratefully accepted, and without much loss of time,
places were found, out of the city, for about one half
of them. The remainder found homes and occupa-
tion in the city, or its immediate vicinity.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 149
Eight years have now nearly elapsed, during
which time I have observed the course of these
emancipated slaves with attention and with some
curiosity. I regarded the experiment they were
making as an exceedingly interesting one ; such an
one as, if successful, ought to convince even the
most skeptical, of the ability of the colored man,
even when reared in the ignorance and partial
dependence which the condition of slavery imposes,
to "take care of himself" For this was not a com-
pany of slaves selected for any special capacity, or
of such as by their own skill and daring had
achieved freedom. They were the ordinary working
force of one plantation — of all ages and capacities,
and in various states of health ; and might be pre-
sumed to be a fair representation of the average
condition, at least, of Virginia slaves. The experi-
ment— if any choose so to regard it — has had a
fair trial, and has resulted, I can truly say, very
much to their credit. Since the first few months
after their arrival — when, on account of their desti-
tution and the strangeness of a new home, occa-
sional help was needed by a number of them — the
instances in which they have sought charitable aid
have been few and infrequent. Even an aged and
nearly worn-out man of their number for six years
maintained himself by his daily labor, and only
ceased to attempt it longer, when told that he must
desist by reason of infirmity of age, at upwards of
four score years. Generally, so far as my knowl-
150 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
edge extends, they have secured for themselves a
sufficient though frugal living, and some of them
have decidedly prospered. And in regard to sobri-
ety, honesty, and general good conduct, they will
not suffer by comparison with any like number of
people in the community.
It affords me a sincere pleasure to be able to
give this testimony in behalf of these people, our
hardly-treated brethren. For, unusually fortunate
as they were in having a master so eccentric as to
believe that his slaves desired liberty and were enti-
tled to it, yet their lot in slavery left, as it ever
must, on body and mind, indelible marks of its
blighting power. When all the untoward, disheart-
ening, soul-crushing influences of their former life
are considered, it seems to me not less surprising,
than it is honorable to themselves, that they have
used their liberty so justly and so well.
I think it well to subjoin their names and ages,
from a list taken by me at the time of their arrival.
Some of them have gone "where the wicked cease
from troubling, and the weary are at rest."
Lucy Fountin, 76. Peter Randolph, 27,
Chas. Fountin, ab't 40. wife and child.
Wm. Fountin, do. Anthony Randolph, 24.
Carter Selden, 47, Richard Randolph, 22.
wife and six children. James Randolph, 10.
Levi Scott, about 75. Wyatt Lee, 25,
Daniel . wife and two children.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
151
Frank Churchwell, 54.
Adam Harrison, 55.
George Mayerson, 45,
wife and two children.
Burry Robeson,
wife and two children.
Davy Mead, 45.
Patty Mead, his wife.
TORRINGTON RuFFIN, 36,
wife and four children.
William Archy, 32,
wife and five children.
Davy Jones, 40.
Andrew Clark, 23,
wife and child.
Henry Carter, and wife.
Amy Richardson, 29,
two children.
Judy Griffin, 26,
two children.
Fanny Bailey, 30.
Sam. Jones, 24.
Richard Whiting.
Jack Harrison, 29.
Ralph Webb, 24.
Peter Taylor, 36.
The unpretending work, written by one of the
above sixty-six, is commended to the public as
wholly trustworthy, and deserving of their favor.
SAMUEL MAY, Jr.
SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
CHAPTER I.
THE SYSTEM.
SHE good anti-slavery men have very much
to contend with, in their exertions for the
cause of freedom. Many people will not
believe their statements; call them unreasonable
and fanatical. Some call them ignorant deceivers,
who have never been out of their own home, and yet
pretend to a knowledge of what is going on a thou-
sand miles from them. Many call them dangerous
members of society, sowing discord and distrust
where there should be nought but peace and broth-
erly love. My Readers ! give attention to the
simple words of one who knows what he utters is
truth ; who is no stranger to the beauties of slavery
or the generosity of the slaveholder. Spend a few
moments in reading his statement in regard to the
system of American slavery. Do not scoff or
153
154 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
doubt. He writes what he does know, what he has
seen and experienced ; for he has been, for twenty-
seven years of his life, a slave; and he here sol-
emnly pledges himself to truth. Not once has he
exaggerated, for he could not ; the half of the woes
and horrors of slavery, his feeble pen could not por-
tray.
This system is one of robbery and cruel wrong,
from beginning to end. It robs men and women of
their liberty, lives, property, affections, and virtue,
as the following pages will show. It is not only a
source of misery to those in bonds, but those who
fasten the chains are made wretched by it ; for a
state of war constantly exists between the master
and servant. The one would enforce obedience to
his every wish, however wrong and unjust ; he would
exact all the earnings of the slave, to the uttermost
farthing. The latter feels the restraint and writhes
under it ; he sees the injustice, and at times
attempts to assert his rights; but he must submit
either to the command or the lash ; obey implicitly
he must.
The argument so often brought forward, that it
would be for the interest of the owner to treat his
slaves well, and of course he would not injure his
own interests, may do for some, but not for the
thinking and considerate. When does the angry
tyrant reflect upon what, in the end, will be the best
for him ? To gratify his passion for the moment, to
wreak out his revenge upon a helpless menial, is, at
THE SYSTEM. 155
the time of excitement, his interest, and he will
serve it well.
Many argue that the southern masters are not to
blame for this wrong ; they inherited it from their
fathers, it is said, and what can they do ? Get rid of
it ! Would it be sensible to suppose that generation
after generation were justifiable in becoming drunk-
ards, because some ancestor had been ? Certainly
not ; any person who reasoned thus would be con-
sidered insane. If my father stole, or murdered,
would that excuse me for committing the same
crimes ? No ; we all know better than that.
Again, it is said, the slaveholder has bought them
and paid his money for them ; perhaps his whole
property is in them ; should he give them up, and
beggar himself ? If his property consists in human
beings, surely he should give it up, though he
starved in consequence. Of whom has he bought
them ? Who can own humanity but the great Crea-
tor ? As the good Vermont Judge said — "Show a
bill of sale from the Almighty, and we acknowledge
your claim."
Some will say, "The slaveholder cannot live with-
out the Negro ; the climate will not permit the white
man to toil there." Very well; admit it. Then let
him grant to men their rights ; make them free citi-
zens; pay them justly for their honest toil and see
the consequences. All would be happier and better.
Slavery enriches not the mind, heart or soil, where
it abides ; it curses and blights everything it comes
156 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
in contact with. Away, away with, tear up by the
roots, these noxious weeds, which choke the growth
of all fair plants, and sow in their stead the beau-
teous flowers of freedom, well watered by the pure
waters of religion, and what a rich harvest will be
yours !
SLAVES ON THE PLANTATION. 157
CHAPTER II.
SLAVES ON THE PLANTATION.
JHE slave goes to his work when he sees the
daybreak in the morning, and works until
dark at night. The slaves have their food
carried to them in the field ; they have one half hour
to eat it in, in the winter, and one hour in the sum-
mer. Their time for eating is about eight in the
morning, and one in the afternoon. Sometimes,
they have not so much time given to them. The
overseer stands by them until they have eaten, and
then he orders them to work.
The slaves return to their huts at night, make
their little fires, and lie down until they are awak-
ened for another day of toil. No beds are given
them to sleep on ; if they have any, they find them
themselves. The women and men all have to work
on the farms together ; they must fare alike in slav-
ery. Husbands and wives must see all that happens
to each other, and witness the sufferings of each.
158 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
They must see their children polluted, without the
power to prevent it.
HOW THE SLAVES CONTRIVE TO GET FOOD.
There are some animals in Virginia called rac-
coons, possums, old hares, and squirrels. The best
of these is the possum, which lives in old trees and
in the earth. The slave sets his trap in the swamps
where the possum usually lives. The traps are
made by cutting down trees, and cutting them in
short pieces about five feet long; then they raise
the log on three pieces of stick, like the figure four.
These traps are made on the Sabbath. One slave
will sometimes have fifteen or twenty of them, and
will go at night, with his torch of pitch-pine, and see
if his traps have caught anything for him to eat.
Sometimes he finds a possum and a raccoon ; and
sometimes a squirrel and old hare. This old hare is
something like a rabbit. All of these animals are
good food for the poor slave, and make him feel very
glad that he has them to eat. Some of the slaves
hunt these animals with dogs, trained for the pur-
pose. They run them up the trees in the forest,
where, as they are a harmless animal, they can be
taken very easily. They do not fight very hard
when caught, but are very easily overcome; but
they are a deceitful little animal. They will lie on
the ground, and make you think they are dead ; but
if you leave them, they will creep off so soon, that
SLAVES ON THE PLANTATION. 159
you cannot conceive how the little animal got away
so cute. The only way they can be kept safely is to
be put in a bag, or in a basket with a cover. The
slave knows best when to hunt these creatures. The
best time is just at the rise of the tide in the rivers.
There is another method that the slave takes to get
his food. He makes what is called a fish trap.
This is made by cutting white oak wood into very
small strips, which are tied together with a great
deal of ingenuity. This trap is put in very deep
water, and attended by the slaves at night, and on
the Sabbath (this being all the time they have to
attend to their traps ) ; and very glad are they of
this opportunity of getting some nice fish. Often-
times the overseer will take what he wants for his
own use, and the slaves must submit.
There are some little fruits in Virginia, that are
called "simmons"; they grow very plentifully, and
are sweet and good. The slaves get them in the
fall of the year, then they get a barrel and put the
'•simmons" into it, and put water there too, and
something else that grows on trees, that they call
"locusses", which are about ten inches long, and
two across. They put the "locusses" and "sim-
mons " into the water together, and let them stand
for two or three days. Then the water is drained
off, and the leaves are used as you would use coffee.
The slaves put this liquid in gourds, and carry it to
the field with them, and drink out of their gourds
while they eat their bread.
160 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
HOUSE SLAVES.
When the slave-master owns a great many slaves,
ten or a dozen are always employed to wait on him-
self and family. They are not treated so cruelly as
the field slaves; they are better fed and wear bet-
ter clothing, because the master and his family
always expect to have strangers visit them, and they
want their servants to look well. These slaves eat
from their master's table, wear broadcloth and cal-
ico; they wear ruffled-bosomed shirts, too — such
as Doctor Nehemiah Adams declares he saw while
on his visit to the South, where he became so much
in love with the " peculiar institution " These
slaves, although dressed and fed better than others,
have to suffer alike with those whose outward con-
dition is worse. They are much to be compared to
galvanized watches, which shine and resemble gold,
but are far from being the true metal ; so with these
slaves who wait upon their masters at table — their
broadcloth and calico look fine, but you may examine
their persons, and find many a lash upon their flesh.
They are sure of their whippings, and are sold the
same as others.
Sometimes their masters change, and put them on
the farm, that the overseers may whip them.
Among those who wait upon the master, there
is always one to watch the others, and report them
to him. This slave is treated as well as his master,
because it is for the master's interest that he does
SLAVES ON THE PLANTATION. 161
this. This slave he always carries with him when
he visits the North ; particularly such slaves as can-
not be made to leave their master, because they are
their master's watch-dog at home. So master can
trust them. Before leaving, master always talks
very kindly to them, and promises something very
great for a present, if they are true to him until his
return.
These slaves know what they must say when
asked as to their treatment at home, and of the
treatment of their fellows. They leave their wives,
their mothers, brothers and sisters, and children,
toiling and being driven and whipped by the
overseer, and tortured and insulted on every
occasion.
DECEPTION OF THE SLAVEHOLDER.
All the slaves, as well as their owners, are
addicted to drinking; so when the slaveholder wants
to make a show of- his "niggers " (as he calls them),
he gives them rum to drink.
When the master knows a northern man is to
visit him, he gives orders to the overseer, and the
overseer orders every slave to dress himself, and
appear on the field. If the slaves have any best,
they must put it on. Perhaps a man has worked
hard, extra times all the year, and got his wife a
fourpenny gown — she must put it on, and go to
the field to work. About the time the stranger is
expected, a jug of rum is sent to the field, and every
162 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
slave has just enough given him to make him act as
if he was crazy.
When such a stranger as Rev. Dr. Adams appears
with the master, he does not see the Negroes, but
the rum that is in them ; and when he hears their
hurrah, and sees their Jim-Crow actions, he takes it
for granted that they are as happy as need be, and
their condition could not be bettered.
The owner gives the visitor liberty to ask his
"niggers" questions. He will ask them if they
love their master, or wish to leave him. Poor slave
will say, he would not leave his master for the
world; but oh, my reader! just let the poor slave
get off, and he would be in Canada very soon, where
the slaveholder dare not venture.
The slaves do not speak for themselves. The
slave-holding master and his rum are working in
their heads, speaking for slavery; and this is the
way the slaveholder deceives his friend from the
North.
FLOGGING.
For whipping the slaves in Virginia, there are no
rules. The slave receives from the slaveholder from
fifty to five hundred lashes. The slave-owner would
think fifty stripes an insult to the slave. If the
slave is let off with fifty lashes, he must show a very
good temper. Men, women and children must be
whipped alike on their bare backs, it being consid-
ered an honor to whip them over their clothes. The
SLAVES ON THE PLANTATION. 163
slaves are placed in a certain position when they are
flogged, with sufficient management to hold them
very still, so they cannot work their hands or feet,
while they are "wooding them up," as they call it
in Virginia.
Some of the slaves have to lie down on their
stomachs, flat on the ground, and be stretched out
so as to keep their skin tight for the lash, and thus
lie until they receive as much as they choose to put
on ; if they move, they must receive so many lashes
extra. When the slaveholder expects to give his
slave five hundred lashes, he gives him about half at
a time ; then he washes him down with salt and
water, and gives him the remainder of what he is to
have. At such times, the slave-owner has his dif-
ferent liquors to drink, while he is engaged in drain-
ing the blood of the slave. So he continues to
drink his rum and whip his victim. When he does
not flog his victims on the ground, they are tied by
their hands, and swung up to a great tree, just so
the ends of their toes may touch the ground. In
this way, they receive what number of lashes they
are destined to. The master has straw brought,
that the blood may not touch his shoes. Ah, reader !
this is true, every word of it. The poor slave is
whipped till the blood runs down to the earth, and
then he must work all day, cold or hot, from week's
end to week's end. There are hundreds of slaves
who change their skins nearly as often as they have
a new suit of clothes.
164 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
CHAPTER III.
FARMS ADJOINING EDLOE's PLANTATION.
WILL give my readers a little knowledge
concerning the neighbors of my owner,
that they may be able to judge of slavery
by something more than the character of one
slaveholder, or his management among his slaves.
Edloe's farm was what was called Upper Brandon,
on James River. It consisted of about fifty-six
square miles, and was worked by eighty-one slaves.
William B. Harrison owned Middle Brandon.
His farm was about one hundred square miles. He
owned over two hundred slaves. Of their treatment
I shall speak, and also of the numerous overseers he
had employed.
George B. Harrison, the owner of my father,
owned Lower Brandon. His farm was the same in
size as his brother's and he owned the same number
of slaves.
William B. Harrison fed his slaves what is called
"regular" in Virginia; he was one of the best
feeders on James River. He clothed them well,
FARMS ADJOINING EDLOE'S. 165
too ; but he was a great flogger, and probably the
greatest in the region. In his dealings with those
who were not slaves, he was upright, never deceiv-
ing, but always doing as he agreed. If any other
case than slavery came before him, he would make
a liberal decision in favor of right ; but he would
have his slaves whipped whenever the overseer
wished it. Sometimes he would go to church and
preach to his slaves. I have heard him myself, but,
my readers, it did seem like mocking God for such
as he to stand up and preach.
The first overseer of Mr. Harrison's that I knew
was Benj. Bishop. Under his reign, many of the
slaves went into the presence of their God, to show
the bloody stripes of the lash received from Ben.
Bishop. Harrison did not care for his slaves as the
man who owned me did, but left them to the mercy
of the overseers. Go to the South, reader ! there
you will see many mulattoes, the descendants of Ben.
Bishop. He continued with Harrison several years,
when, being sent down to Richmond to sell some
Negroes, he made one hundred dollars more than he
was to pay his employer; therefore, he concluded to
take the business of human traffic into his own
hands, and become a "nigger trader" He was not
very successful in his undertaking, being too fond of
what is called "toddy" in the Southern States. He
became a great drunkard and a great gambler (vices
intimately connected with the "peculiar institu-
tion "), and was obliged to give up his business.
166 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
He was afterward employed by Edloe, my master ;
but he did not live with him long before he was dis-
charged, for his unmerciful treatment of the blacks.
Death called to him soon, and he was ushered
into the awful presence of the righteous Judge (who
listens to the cries of the poor widows, and the
orphans), with his guilty hands dripping with the
blood of his fellow-creatures, who had sunk groan-
ing to the earth beneath his barbed heel of cruel
oppression.
The next man who took charge of this farm was
John Q. Adams. This man (notwithstanding his
noble name) was a disgrace to civilization ; for when
he had beaten his victims till their bodies could bear
no more, he would lash the bottoms of their feet.
My readers, this may seem incredible, but it is
truth. Harrison's slaves trembled at the very men-
tion of his name, and the sight of him would bring
woe and terror to their very souls ; the poor crea-
tures would wish that the earth would open and
swallow them, that they might never look upon the
face of Adams again, or hear the sound of his voice.
His voice had all the fearful sound of the roaring
lion, and the hideous howl of the prowling wolf.
I verily believe his organs of speech were made of
the hardest granite, fastened together with mons-
trous iron bolts. As his victims were dripping with
their own blood, he would bellow forth his curses,
and dare them to call on God for help. Groanings
and sorrow, pains and misery untold, unspeakable,
FARMS ADJOINING EDLOE'S. 167
were the portion of the Negroes upon Harrison's
plantation.
Adams practised everything that was mean, cruel,
devilish, everything that could be thought of by
demons. This conduct continued eleven years
before I left Virginia, in 1847. I could give a great
many more truths concerning this J. Q. Adams, that
may seem too outrageous for a human being to con-
ceive. I would not do injustice to anyone, not
even a slave-driver, for I know I must stand at
the bar of the Eternal, and render an account of
every word spoken in the flesh. I know that,
in order to do good, my testimony must be the
truth.
The next overseer was Harden Harrison. He
owned three slaves himself; but was very religious,
and belonged to the Presbyterian Church. He did
not beat so much as Adams, but was very strict
with the slaves. He used to say his prayers every
night, and grace before his meals. Sometimes his
grace failed him, and then the poor slave must
expect something more than soft words or gentle
treatment. He never yet had grace sufficient to
excuse any little fault in a Negro. He used to
quote Moses' law to whip by. His face was very
narrow and hypocritical.
He had just enough of professed religion to
deceive. He was one of those calculated to deceive
northern visitors, who saw him go on with his sol-
emn ceremonies of religion, to make them believe
168 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
that good and religious men guided the poor igno-
rant blacks, and kept them from sinking entirely into
the blackness of heathenism. Then Mr. Harrison
would take just enough of his toddy to make him
feel as good as anybody else. He lived with Mr.
W. B. Harrison as long as he wished, then left and
went home to his own farm.
The next overseer was named Edloe. He used
to call himself the "snapping-turtle ", and would
raw-hide the slaves so they would be obliged to wind
cotton around their persons, to protect their wounds
from their clothing. Of other things of which he
was guilty, delicacy forbids me to speak; judge for
yourselves. He continued there three years, and
was at it when I left Virginia.
One more of these men I have not mentioned,
whose name was Ladd. It should have been
"Hornet" I cannot speak of the actions of this
man, without a shrinking from the fact that I ever
knew such a being. He made men and women to
growl and bark like clogs. At all hours of the night,
you might find Ladd in the woods, with his dogs,
prowling about after some skulking fugitive, and all
day driving and whipping the persecuted victims, till
they were almost driven to self-murder, which noth-
ing but the belief that those who take their own
lives cannot be happy in another world kept them
from. The slaves used to run away to Edloe, and
get him to go and beg mercy for them, and he would
do so. For two years, Ladd managed in this way ;
FARMS ADJOINING EDLOE'S. 169
then the great Judge called him from earth, to give
an account of his bloody deeds.
Some of my readers may ask why we were always
afflicted with such horrid men, as overseers, in our
region, and if there were no good ones. Ah, dear
reader, do you think a good man would take such a
position ? And what man is there who would not
become worse daily by being placed in such a situa-
tion, with unlimited power over hundreds of abject
beings whom he looks upon as only a little above
the brute ? Ah, ye who look coolly on in the dis-
tance, and doubt the existence of all this wretched-
ness, go nearer, become yourself the property of
another, and then your doubts will be removed !
The first overseer I knew of on George Harrison's
plantation was Charles Charbour. " Devilish " is
the only word which will describe his character. My
father was a. colored driver under him, and he was
made to beat his fellow slaves most unmercifully, and
there was no escape, unless he would have submitted
to a worse fate, if possible, for himself. Charbour
has been known to cut the skin with a knife from
the poor black man's feet, that he might not run
away, or that the saying, " I will cut off every inch
of your black hide," might be literally fulfilled.
Truly, he was one toward whom the blood of the
slave will cry, whenever he approaches those fields
of labor, or wanders by the swamps, or by the river-
side. There was no peace for man, woman or child,
wherever he followed.
170 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
Harrison, who owned the slaves, was a young man
at this time, and cared for nothing, so Charbour had
everything his own way. God in his mercy visited
this farm with a great calamity. The cholera came
among the slaves, and carried many to their rest.
The very atmosphere, at this time, seemed to burn
with evil and wrong for the poor Negroes, so that
death was their best friend. Many of my father's
relations were owned here, and well we knew of the
sufferings which their owner allowed, and sought no
means to alleviate.
Harrison's conduct at last made him an object of
scorn and indignation to most of the people who
knew him. One day, he was on business at the
court house, and while he was seated among many
gentlemen, who were strangers to him, they com-
menced a conversation about "young Harrison",
and his abominable course in regard to his people.
Very freely they discussed his character, and he had
the benefit of their opinion from their own mouths.
He went home rather humbled, and commenced the
work of reformation on his plantation. Charbour
was forbidden to whip so much, and the slaves were
really treated better. That season was to the slaves
what the conversion of Paul was to the church he
had persecuted — there was rest for a little season.
Shortly after this sudden change in Geo. Harrison,
he died, when the clouds of darkness again fell about
those poor Negroes. His brother became the guard-
ian of the estate, and everything was left in the
FARMS ADJOINING EDLOE' S. 171
hands of overseers, who used their power as bad
men might be expected to.
Another neighbor of ours, or rather, of my mas-
ter's, was his brother. His plantation was called
Willow Hill, and was very large. This Mr. Edloe
owned two farms (one in Cumberland Co.), and a
great many slaves. Many of these slaves were
related to me, and those of my fellows who came
North with me.
William Allen owned a large farm across from
Lower Brandon, in Surrey Co., called Claremont.
He also owned twelve other farms, and nine hun-
dred and ninety-nine slaves. He was uncle to
Edloe, my owner, and was considered the richest
man in Virginia, except old Bob Boiling, of Peters-
burg. He was not a good man. He was possessed
of none of the virtues, but some of the vices of King
Solomon. He was very fond of the young females,
yet he was married to no one. He was very cruel
to his people, and used what is called the bell and
horns on his slaves, to keep them from running
away. He used to chain them together with a long
chain, with heavy fastenings at the end of the chain.
The bell and horns were a harness made so as to fas-
ten on the slave's neck, with a band of iron that
would go round the neck, to which was attached
another band that passed over the top of the head,
about three feet perpendicular, then turned with a
hook, so as to hook over the limbs of trees, if the
slave should attempt running in the swamps, out of
172 SKETCHES OF SLA YE LIFE.
sight of the overseer. He always kept a good stock
of them on hand, to use as you would use bells for
cows, that you might find them easily, if they strayed.
Some of his slaves were put to death by his over-
seers, but he did not trouble himself about it — he
had plenty more. Ah, my readers ! more blood has
been drawn from Allen's slaves than he would be
willing to carry upon his shoulders for one moment.
He was very close with his slaves with regard to
food and clothes, and those who lived along the
rivers used to catch fish at stolen moments, so as to
keep themselves along, from time to time, until
Allen died. When that occurred, Edloe immedi-
ately went over, and freed all the poor creatures
from their harnesses, leg-irons, and handcuffs.
Allen had freed his colored sons, and about eight
others. The rest of his slaves he gave to one of his
nephews, named William Allen. He gave one of
his farms to be divided among all his relations.
Edloe was one, and he drew eighteen of those
slaves, who were all freed with myself. The rest
went to drudge with their new masters, under a
bondage worse than Egyptian.
CABIN POINT.
There was but one village near Brandon, where
the large farms were cultivated, and that was in
Surrey County, about seven miles from Lower Bran-
don. This village was called "Cabin Point", and
there the United States mail stopped. Five or six
FARMS ADJOINING EDLOE'S. 173
stores were kept there, and it was a great place for
loafers ; for at these stores you could buy almost
everything, especially rum and other liquors. Sat-
urdays and Sundays, all the lower class of whites
and free colored people used to assemble there, to
drink and gamble. No slaves were allowed there,
unless sent by their masters, with a pass.
"Cabin Point" was famous for its fighting, drunk-
enness, and every kind of degradation. The whites
beat the free colored people there, and they dare
not raise their hands, lest they should be mobbed.
Females were not safe there an instant ; nothing
could protect them from the violence of those
drunken desperadoes. If any good man from the
North should witness one of these scenes, he would
think it indicative of anything but civilization.
This place was the rendezvous for all the rowdies
of Prince George and Surrey Counties. There the
overseers would meet for their drunken revels, and
return to the farms, to make the backs of the out-
raged Negroes pay the bills for their debauchery.
There were many wealthy men there, who owned
many human beings. The most prominent among
them were Mr. Peters, A. Sledge, Dr. Strong, and
Dr. Graves.
Dr. Graves was so cruel and wicked, he would not
take time even to whip his slaves, but would use his
knife on them. He would chain them on their
backs, and give them nothing to eat for two or three
days at a time. He was called the best physician in
174 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
the place, but he was as good a devil as I should
wish to see. He was employed by all the large
farmers to attend their slaves in sickness, and was
very fond of the female slaves, to whom he was a
good doctor. I will not spend time to write more of
him ; he was so wicked, my feelings become excited,
and language fails me in speaking of him.
Dr. Strong was a mild man — as fine a man as I
ever knew among slave-holders. He was not cruel ;
he looked upon his Negroes as human beings, pos-
sessed of feelings, and as capable of enjoyment and
suffering as himself, and he treated them kindly.
He appeared to be a Christian ; but still, he held his
fellow-men in bondage ; he did not allow them to act
for themselves and work for themselves. Even
kind-hearted Dr. Strong could not live out the pre-
cepts of Jesus and remain a slave-holder. He was
succeeded by Dr. Gray, who, though a very strict
man among his people, was not cruel.
Mr. Peters was not as bad as many other slave-
holders, though he used to whip his slaves to keep
them tame, for fear they would run wild. Mr.
Peters was a mild whipping slave-holder, died a
slave-holder, and will receive a slave-holder's reward.
Amos Sledge was very cruel and inhuman in the
treatment of his people. He worked them very
hard, fed them very poorly, clothed them but scant-
ily, whipped them unmercifully, and allowed them
no privileges. They were a downcast, heart-broken
set of people.
OVERSEERS. 175
CHAPTER IV
OVERSEERS.
HE first overseer I served under was Henry
Hallingwork, a cruel and a bad man. He
often whipped my mother and the chil-
dren, and worked the slaves almost day and night,
in all weather. The men had no comfort with their
wives, for any of the latter who pleased him, he
would take from their husbands, and use himself.
If any refused his lewd embraces, he treated them
with the utmost barbarity. At night, he watched
the slaves' huts, to find out if they said anything
against him, or had any food except what he had
allowed them ; and if he discovered anything he dis-
liked, they were severely whipped. He continued
this conduct for about three years, when Mr. Edloe
discovered it, and discharged him.
The next overseer who lived on the plantation did
not treat the people so badly as did Hallingwork,
but he drove them very hard, and watched them
very closely, to see that they took nothing but their
176 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
allowance. He only lived there two years, when he
was discharged for misconduct.
The next overseer, a man named Harris, only
remained about six months ; his cruelty was so
great, it came to Mr. Edloe's ear, and he was
discharged.
The successor of Harris was L. Hobbs. He was
very cruel to the people, especially to all women
who would not submit to him. He used to bind
women hand and foot, and whip them until the
blood ran down to the earth, and then wash them
down in salt and water, and keep them tied all day,
when Edloe was not at home. He used to take my
cousin and tie her up and whip her so she could not
lie down to rest at night until her back got well.
All this was done on Edloe's plantation, the good
slave-holder who owned me ; and the other slave-
holders used to say to him that he "spoiled his
niggers " ; but this was the way he spoiled them.
Hobbs continued this ill-treatment for the space of
three years, then he was turned off. Thus ends the
history of Hobbs on Edloe's plantation, with the
exception of leaving what are termed "mulattoes"
in Virginia.
The fifth overseer was B. F. Bishop. He came
to the plantation as a tyrant, and proved himself
such to men, women and children. He reigned
tyrannically for one year, and did many things
which decency will not permit me to speak of. He,
and all of the overseers, were in the habit of steal-
OVERSEERS. Ill
ing from their employer, and the colored people
knew it, but their informing Edloe would have done
no good, for he could not believe a slave. Accord-
ing to the laws of Virginia, the testimony of a slave
against an overseer could not be taken. This Benj.
Bishop reigned "monarch of all he surveyed"
(doing as he chose in everything — cruel as cruel
could be ) one year, when he was discharged.
The sixth overseer was R. Lacy, a native of
Charles City, Va. He reigned seven years. I can-
not describe to my readers the malice and madness
with which this being treated Edloe's slaves. You
cannot find his parallel in history, . except it be in
Nero or Caligula. Indeed, he was a very wicked
man, and a hypocrite. I cannot point to one good
deed he ever performed. He would enter the
houses, and bind men and women, and inflict torture
upon them, whether innocent or guilty. The blood
of innocent slaves is yet crying to the God of justice
to avenge their sufferings, and pour out deserved
judgment upon the head of Lacy.
The seventh overseer was P Vaughn. He was
cruel, but not so much so as some of the others had
been. He was too fond of rum and the females, so
Edloe gave him his walking ticket.
The eighth overseer was J. G. Harrison. He was
with Mr. Edloe at. the time of his decease. Harri-
son was, like others in his station, hard and unmer-
ciful. He made his dogs tear and bite my mother
very badly. She died soon after, and was freed
178 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
from her tormentors, at rest from her labors, and
rejoicing in heaven.
This same Harrison shot one of Edloe's men,
because he would not submit to the lash ; but no
one said anything to Harrison about his conduct.
(He did not kill the man. Although shot, he is
now living in Charlestown, Mass. His name is
Wyatt Lee. He is well known in Boston.)
FOOD AND CLOTHING.
I shall now show what the slaves have to eat and
wear. They have one pair of shoes for the year;
if these are worn out in two months, they get no
more that year, but must go barefooted the rest of
the year, through cold and heat. The shoes are
very poor ones, made by one of the slaves, and do
not last more than two or three months. One pair
of stockings is allowed them for the year; when
these are gone, they have no more, although it is
cold in Virginia for five months. They have one
suit of clothes for the year. This is very poor
indeed, and made by the slaves themselves on the
plantation. It will not last more than three months,
and then the poor slave gets no more from the
slave-holder, if he go naked. This suit consists of
one shirt, one pair of pants, one pair of socks, one
pair of shoes, and no vest at all. The slave has a
hat given him once in two years ; when this is worn
out, he gets no more from the slave-holder, but must
OVERSEERS. 179
go bareheaded till he can get one somewhere else.
Perhaps the slave will get him a skin of some kind,
and make him a hat.
The food of the slaves is this 3 every Saturday
night, they receive two pounds of bacon, and one
peck and a half of corn meal, to last the men
through the week. The women have one half pound
of meat, and one peck of meal, and the children one
half peck each. When this is gone, they can have
no more till the end of the week. This is very little
food for the slaves. They have to beg when they
can; when they cannot, they must suffer. They
are not allowed to go off the plantation ; if they do
and are caught, they are whipped very severely, and
what they have begged is taken from them.
180 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
CHAPTER V
CUSTOMS OF THE SLAVES, WHEN ONE OF THEIR
NUMBER DIES.
HEY go to the overseer, and obtain leave to
sit up all night with their dead, and sing
and pray. This is a very solemn season.
First, one sings and another prays, and this they
continue every night until the dead body is buried.
One of the slaves makes the coffin — and a very bad
one it generally is. Some wheat straw is put in the
coffin, and if they can get it, they wrap the body in
a piece of white cloth ; if they cannot get it, they
put the body in the coffin without anything around
it. Then they nail up the coffin, and put it in a
cart, which is drawn by oxen or mules, and carried
to the grave. As they have no tombs, they put all
the slaves in the earth. If the slave who died was a
Christian, the rest of the Christians among them
feel very glad, and thank God that brother Charles,
or brother Ned, or sister Betsey, is at last free, and
gone home to heaven — where bondage is never
CUSTOMS OF TEE SLAVES. 181
known. Some, who are left behind, cry and grieve
that they, too, cannot die, and throw off their yoke
of slavery, and join the company of the brother or
sister who has just gone.
When the overseer is in good humor, he will let
all the people go to look the last time upon their
relative; if he is ill-tempered, he will not let the
slaves go at all; so it all depends upon the state of
mind the overseer is in, whether the child is permit-
ted to look upon the remains of its parent, the hus-
band upon his wife, the mother upon her child, or
any other dear relative. Ah, my readers ! think of
this, and see the cruelty of the "peculiar institu-
tion" Slaves have tender human feelings — very
warm and tender they are ; but it matters not how
sorrowful and heavy a heart the poor Negro may
have, he cannot see his lifeless friends unless the
slave-holder wills it.
When several of the slaves die together, the
others go to their owner, and ask him to let them
have a funeral. Most of the owners will grant
their slaves this privilege. When the owner and
overseer give their consent, the slave-holder sends a
note to a white preacher ; then they set the day, and
the slaves make ready for the funeral services over
their friends.
The slaves go to the woods, and make seats to sit
upon (this is done Saturday night). When the
seats are prepared, they are left till the slaves take
their seats upon them, and sit until about ten
182 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
o'clock, when the slave-holding minister comes, and
preaches about one hour and a half. Then he gives
the Negroes liberty to sing and pray, and he stands
by them. This is to keep the slaves from their mas-
ter, because they are not allowed to meet together,
except a white man be present. At the funeral, all
the slaves from the adjoining plantations obtain
passes from their overseers, and come ; so this is
really a great day for the poor blacks to see each
other. If their hearts are sad, they are happy to see
their friends, and they all go to some place, and
their friends receive such entertainment as it is in
their power to give. They stay together till night
draws on, and then each leaves for his home.
As soon as possible after the funeral, the slaves
must go to their work. They have no person to speak
a word of comfort to them, to cheer their heavy
hearts ; but they must go on working and mourning
all the day and night. If they had some one to
sympathize with them, their burden would be light,
ened ; but no one cares for the tears of the widow,
the sighs of the disconsolate husband, the sobbing
cries of the mother, whose little son or daughter has
been taken from her. No one pities the widow's
son, that his mother (who labored all her life for the
slave-holder, and for her son, when she could get an
opportunity) is gone to the grave, leaving her only
one behind, to toil on yet longer beneath the lash of
tyrant overseers, and at the mercy of unfeeling
slave-holders. Ah, my readers ! even in the grave
CUSTOMS OF THE SLAVES. 183
there is more comfort to the sad ones afflicted, than
in the prison-house of hopeless slavery. Once, oh,
northern reader, visit the auction-block, and all
that is human within your soul will be aroused, and
you will feel and know what Americati slavery is.
i84 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
CHAPTER VI.
SLAVES ON THE AUCTION-BLOCK.
|HE auctioneer is crying the slave to the
highest bidder. "Gentlemen, here is a
very fine boy for sale. He is worth twelve
hundred dollars. His name is Emanuel. He
belongs to Deacon William Harrison, who wants
to sell him because his overseer don't like him.
How much, gentlemen — how much for this boy?
He's a fine, hearty nigger. Bid up, bid up, gentle-
men ; he must be sold." Some come up to look at
him, pull open his mouth to examine his teeth, and
see if they are good. Poor fellow! he is handled
and examined like any piece of merchandise ; but he
must bear it. Neither tongue nor hand, nor any
other member, is his own — why should he attempt
to use another's property ?
Again the bidder goes on : "I will give one thou-
sand dollars for that boy." The auctioneer says,
"Sir, he is worth twelve hundred at the lowest.
Bid up, gentlemen, bid up; going, going — are you
SLAVES ON THE AUCTION-BLOCK. 185
all done? — once, twice, three times — all done? —
gone ! "
See the slave-holder, who has just bought the
image of God, come to his victim, and take posses-
sion of him. Poor Emanuel must go away from his
wife, never to see her again. All the ties of love
are severed ; the declaration of the Almighty, which
said, "What God hath joined together, let not man
put asunder," is unheeded, and he must leave all to
follow his Christian master, a member of the Epis-
copal Church — a partaker, from time to time, of
the Lord's Sacrament. Such men mock religion
and insult God. Oh, that God would rend the heav-
ens and appear unto these heartless men !
Next comes Jenny and her five children. Her
husband was sold and gone. The oldest of her chil-
dren is a girl seventeen years old — her name, Lucy.
Auctioneer — " Here, gentlemen, is a fine girl for
sale : how much for her ? Gentlemen, she will be a
fortune for anyone who buys her who wants to raise
niggers. Bid up, gentlemen, bid up ! Fine girl ;
very hearty ; good health ; only seventeen years old ;
she's worth fifteen hundred dollars to anyone who
wants to raise niggers. Here's her mother; she's
had nine children ; the rest of them are sold. How
much, gentlemen — how much? Bid up! bid up!"
Poor Lucy is sold away from all the loved ones,
and goes to receive the worst of insults from her
cruel task-master. Her poor mother stands by
heart-broken, with tears streaming down her face.
186 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
Oh ! is there a heart, not all brutish, that can wit-
ness such a scene without falling to the earth with
shame, that the rights of his fellow-creatures are so
basely trampled upon ? The seller or buyer of a
human being, for purposes of slavery, is not human,
and has no right to the name.
The next "article" sold is Harry, a boy of fifteen.
Auctioneer — "Gentlemen, how much for this
boy ? He is an honest boy, can be trusted with any-
thing you wish ; how much for him ? "
Harry is sold from his mother, who is standing
watching for her turn. She began to scream out,
"Oh, my child! my child!" Here the old slave-
holder said, "Ah, my girl ! if you do not stop that
hollering, I will give you something to holler for."
Poor Jenny, the mother, tried to suppress her grief,
but all in vain. Harry was gone, and the children
cried out, " Good-by, Harry ; good-by ! " The
broken-hearted mother sobbed forth, " Farewell, my
boy; try to meet me in heaven."
The next of the children was Mary. She was
put upon the block and sold. Then the mother
became so affected that she seemed like one crazy.
So the old rough slave-holder went to the mother,
and began to lay the lash upon her; but it mattered
not to her — her little Mary was gone, and now her
turn had come. Oh, mothers who sit in your com-
fortable homes, surrounded by your happy children,
think of the poor slave mother, robbed so cruelly of
her all, by a fate worse than death ! Oh, think of
SLAVES ON THE AUCTION-BLOCK. 187
her, pray for her, toil for her, ever ; teach your
blooming daughters to think with compassion of
their far-off colored sisters, and train them up anti-
slavery women ! Teach your sons the woes and
burning wrongs of slavery; make them grow up
earnest, hard-working anti-slavery men. When
mothers all do this, we may hope yet to live in a
free country.
Wretched, childless, widowed Jenny was placed
upon the block for sale.
Auctioneer — "Gentlemen, here is Jenny — how
much for her ? She can do good work. Now, gen-
tlemen, her master says he believes her to be a
Christian, a very pious old woman ; and she will
keep everything straight around her. You may
depend on her. She will neither lie nor steal : what
she says may be believed. Just let her pray, and
she will keep right."
Here Jesus Christ was sold to the highest bidder ;
sold in Jenny to keep her honest, to bring gold to
the slave-holder. Jenny was sold away from all her
little children, never to see them again. Poor
mother ! who had toiled day and night to raise
her little children, feeling all a mother's affection
for them, she must see them no more in this world !
She feels like mourning — "like Rachel weeping for
her children, and would not be comforted, because
they were not." So she commends them to the care
of the God of the widow and the fatherless, by bath-
ing her bosom in tears, and giving them the last
188 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
affectionate embrace, with the advice to meet her in
heaven. Oh, the tears of the poor slave that are in
bottles, to be poured out upon his blood-stained nation,
as soon as the cup of wrath of the almighty Avenger
is full, when he shall say, "I have heard the groan-
ings of my people, and I will deliver them from the
oppressor! "
Slave-holders carry the price of blood upon their
backs and in their pockets ; the very bread they eat
is the price of blood; the houses they live in are
bought with blood ; all the education they have is
paid for by the blood and sorrow of the poor slaves.
In parting with their friends at the auction-block,
the poor blacks have the anticipation of meeting
them again in the heavenly Canaan, and sing —
" O, fare you well, O, fare you well !
God bless you until we meet again ;
Hope to meet you in heaven, to part no more.
Chorus — Sisters, fare you well; sisters, fare you well;
God Almighty bless you, until we meet again."
Among the slaves there is a great amount of
talent, given by the hand of Inspiration ; talent, too,
which if cultivated, would be of great benefit to the
world of mankind. If these large minds are kept
sealed up, so that they cannot answer the end for
which they were made, somebody must answer for
it on the great day of account. Oh, think of this,
my readers ! Think of that day when it shall be said
to all the world, " Give an account of thy steward-
SLAVES ON TEE AUCTION BLOCK. 189
ship ! " Among the slaves may be found talents,
which, if improved, would be instrumental in carry-
ing the blessed Gospel of Truth to distant lands,
and in bringing the people to acknowledge the true
and living God. But all has been crushed down by
a Christian world, and by the Christian Church.
With these solemn facts written against this nation,
see to it, my readers, before this iniquity overthrow
you, and it be too late to repent.
The sin of holding slaves is not only against one
nation, but against the whole world, because we are
here to do one another good, in treating each other
well ; and this is to be done by having right ideas of
God and his religion. But this privilege is denied to
three millions and a half of the people of this, our
own "free" land. The slave-holders say we have
not a true knowledge of religion ; but the great
Teacher said, when he came on his mission, "The
Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath
anointed me to preach the Gospel to the poor. He
hath sent me to heal the broken-hearted ; to preach
deliverance to the captive, and recovering of sight
to the blind ; to set at liberty them that are bruised,
and to preach the acceptable year of the Lord."
This ought to be the work of the ministers and the
churches. Anything short of this is not the true
religion of Jesus.
This is the great commandment of the New Test-
ament — " Love the Lord thy God with all thy
heart, and thy neighbor as thyself." "Do unto
190 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
others as ye would that they should do to you," is
the golden rule for all men to follow. By this rule
shall all men be judged. We have got to hear,
"Come, ye blessed; depart, ye cursed!" These
are my convictions, and my belief of the religion of
Jesus, the wonderful Counsellor of the children of
the created Adam, our great progenitor.
In view of these things, I earnestly beg my read-
ers to renew their interest in the anti-slavery cause,
never turning a deaf ear to the pleadings of the poor
slave, or to those who speak, however feebly, for
him. The anti-slavery cause is the cause of
Humanity, the cause of Religion, the cause of
God!
CITY AND TOWN SLAVES. 191
CHAPTER VII.
CITY AND TOWN SLAVES.
jHE slaves in the cities (Petersburg, Rich-
mond and Norfolk, in Virginia) do not
fare so hard as on the plantations, where
they have farming work to do. Most of the town
and city slaves are hired out, to bring in money to
their owners. They often have the privilege of hir-
ing themselves out, by paying their owners so much,
at stated times — say once a week, or once a month.
Many of them are employed in factories and work at
trades. They do very well, for if they are industri-
ous, they can earn considerably more than is exacted
of them by their owners. All can dress well, have
comfortable homes, and many can read and write.
Many of them lay up money to purchase either their
own freedom or that of some dear one. These
slaves are not subjected to the lash as the poor
creatures upon the plantations are, for their owners
would feel (as every man should feel, in the true
192 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
sense) their dignity fallen, their nobility sullied, by
raising the whip over their human property.
Slavery, as seen here by the casual observer,
might be supposed not to be so hard as one would
imagine, after all the outcry of philanthropists, who
"sit in their chimney-corners amid the northern
hills, and conjure up demoniac shapes and fiendish
spirits, bearing the name of slave-holders." But
slavery is slavery, wherever it is found. Dress it
up as you may, in the city or on the plantation, the
human being must feel that which binds him to
another's will. Be the fetters of silk, or hemp, or
iron, all alike warp the mind and goad the soul.
The city slave may escape the evil eye and cruel
lash of the overseer, but if he offend the all-import-
ant master, there is retribution for him. " Hand
this note to Captain Heart," (of Norfolk), or "Cap-
tain Thwing," (of Petersburg) — and well does the
shrinking slave know what is to follow. These
last-mentioned gentlemen give their time to, and
improve their talents by, laying the lash upon the
naked backs of men and women !
Ah, my dear readers ! take what side you will of
slavery — Dr. Adams' "South side", or the Aboli-
tionist's North side — there is but one side, and that
is dark, dark. You may think you see bright spots,
but look at the surroundings of those spots, and you
will see nothing but gloom and darkness. While
toiling industriously, and living with a dear family in
comparative comfort and happiness, the city slave
CITY AND TOWN SLAVES. 193
(whose lot is thought to be so easy) suddenly finds
himself upon the auction-block, knocked down to the
highest bidder, and carried far and forever from
those dearer to him than life ; a beloved wife, and
tender, helpless children are all bereft, in a moment,
of husband, father and protector, by a fate worse
than death ; — and for what ? To gratify some
spirit of revenge, or add to the weight of the already
well-filled purse of some Christian white man, who
professes ownership in his fellow-man. Wretch !
you may command, for a season, the bones and
sinews of that brother, so infinitely your superior ;
but, remember! that form is animated by a never-
dying spirit ! it will not always slumber ! A God of
infinite love and justice reigns over all, and beholds
your unholy, inhuman traffic! Believe you, justice
will triumph, the guilty shall not go unpunished on
the earth! the righteous are to be recompensed,
much more the wicked and the sinner.
The whipping-posts are the monuments of the
religion and greatness of the southern cities, though
none but the basest of men officiate there ; yet they
think as much of their office as a poor conceited
dandy would of his, were he raised to the Presidency
of some great institution.
Yet with the knowledge of all these wrongs con-
stantly thrust before the people, they willfully shut
their eyes, and will not see ; and thousands who
walk these shores, free men, support by word and
deed this abominable wickedness ! Yes, even the
194 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
ministers of our religion defend, from those temples
erected for the worship of the one living and true
God, this "domestic institution!" With all their
official sanctity, they enter the sacred desk, dedica-
ted to the service of a God of tender mercies, and
consecrated to the work of imparting to those con-
gregated before it the teachings of that pure and
holy One, who preached deliverance to the captives,
and opened the eyes of the blind, who rebuked sin
wherever found — among rulers or servants, in the
synagogues, the halls of justice, or by the public
ways — and, instead of imitating their Divine Mas-
ter, the American clergy uphold these crying enor-
mities of the "dear people", who feed and pamper
their luxurious appetites, and clothe them in fine
linen. Ah, my readers ! I was once a slave, and
was a partaker and witness of all its horrors till I
was twenty-seven years old. I, in my ignorance,
felt that I was called of God to preach His accept-
able word to this down-trodden race. Through his
mercy, I was made a free man, and now resolve to
devote my life, my all, to the spreading of the truth
in regard to this great sin of our nation. And Oh !
it makes my heart ache, when I see and hear those
men, possessed, all their lives, of every advantage,
receiving their education at our seats of learning,
stand up before the people, as lights of the world,
and defend the slave-holder, or forever hold their
peace in regard to the plague-spot of slavery.
What right, human or divine, can one man have
CITY AND TOWN SLAVES. 195
to another, who, like himself, was created in the
glorious image of our common Father and Creator ?
How can such men pray, " Our Father" ? How can
they talk about the human family, and the great day
of judgment which is to come? Surely, like the
false prophets of old, they are deceiving the people.
196 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
CHAPTER XIII.
RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION.
ANY say the Negroes receive religious edu-
cation— that Sabbath worship is instituted
for them as for others, and were it not
for slavery, they would die in their sins — that really,
the institution of slavery is a benevolent missionary
enterprise. Yes, they are preached to, and I will
give my readers some faint glimpses of these preach-
ers, and their doctrines and practices.
In Prince George County there were two meeting-
houses intended for public worship. Both were
occupied by the Baptist denomination. These
houses were built by William and George Harrison,
brothers. Mr. G. Harrison's was built on the line
of his brother's farm, that their slaves might go
there on the Sabbath and receive instruction, such
as slave-holding ministers would give. The promi-
nent preaching to the slaves was, " ' Servants, obey
your masters' Do not steal or lie, for this is very
wrong. Such conduct is sinning against the Holy
RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION. 197
Ghost, and is base ingratitude to your kind masters,
who feed, clothe and protect you." All Gospel, my
readers ! It was great policy to build a church for
the " dear slave" , and allow him the wondrous priv-
ilege of such holy instruction ! Edlce's slaves some-
times obtained the consent of Harrison to listen to
the Sabbath teachings so generously dealt out to his
servants. Shame ! shame ! to take upon yourselves
the name of Christ, with all that blackness of heart.
I should think, when making such statements, the
slave-holders would feel the rebuke of the Apostle,
and fall down and be carried out from the face of
day, as were Ananias and Sapphira, when they
betrayed the trust committed to them, or refused to
bear true testimony in regard to that trust.
There was another church, about fourteen miles
from the one just mentioned. It was called "Bran-
don's church ", and there the white Baptists wor-
shiped. Edloe's slaves sometimes went there. The
colored people had a very small place allotted them
to sit in, so they used to get as near the window as
they could to hear the preacher talk to his congre-
gation. But sometimes, while the preacher was
exhorting to obedience, some of those outside would
be selling refreshments, cake, candy and rum, and
others would be horse-racing. This was the way,
my readers, the Word of God was delivered and
received in Prince George County. The Gospel
was so mixed with slavery, that the people could see
no beauty in it, and feel no reverence for it.
198 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
There was one Brother Shell who used to preach.
One Sabbath, while exhorting the poor, impenitent,
hard-hearted, ungrateful slaves, so much beloved by
their masters, to repentance and prayerfulness, while
entreating them to lead good lives, that they might
escape the wrath (of the lash) to come, some of
his crocodile tears overflowed his cheek, which so
affected his hearers, that they shouted and gave
thanks to God, that Brother Shell had at length felt
the spirit of the Lord in his heart ; and many went
away rejoicing that a heart of stone had become
softened. But, my readers, Monday morning,
Brother Shell was afflicted with his old malady,
hardness of heart, so that he was obliged to catch
one of the sisters by the throat, and give her a terri-
ble flogging.
The like of this is the preaching, and these are
the men that spread the Gospel among the slaves.
Ah ! such a Gospel had better be buried in obliv-
ion, for it makes more heathens than Christians.
Such preachers ought to be forbidden by the laws of
the land ever to mock again at the blessed religion
of Jesus, which was sent as a light to the world.
Another Sunday, when Shell was expounding
(very much engaged was he in his own attempts
to enlighten his hearers), their was one Jem
Fulcrum became so enlightened that he fell from his
seat quite a distance to the floor. Brother Shell
thought he had preached unusually well so to affect
Jem ; so he stopped in the midst of his sermon, and
RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION. 199
asked, "Is that poor Jemmy? poor fellow!" But,
my readers, he did not know the secret — brother
Jem had fallen asleep. Poor Shell did not do so
much good as he thought he had, so Monday morn-
ing he gave Jem enough of his raw-hide spirit to
last him all the week ; at least, till the next Sab-
bath, when he could have an opportunity to preach
to him.
I could only think, when Shell took so much
glory to himself for the effect of his preaching upon
the slaves, of the man who owned colored Pompey.
This slave-holder was a great fighter (as most of
them are), and had prepared himself for the contest
with great care, and wished to know how he looked ;
so he said, "Pompey, how do I look?" "Oh,
massa, mighty ! " " What do you mean by ' mighty ',
Pompey ? " " Why, massa, you look noble." " What
do you mean by 'noble'?" "Why, sar, you look
just like one lion." "Why, Pompey, where have
you ever seen a lion ? " " I seen one down in
yonder field the other day, massa." " Pompey, you
foolish fellow, that was a jackass." "Was it,
massa? Well, you look just like him."
This may seem very simple to my readers, but
surely, nothing more noble than a jackass, without
his simplicity and innocence, can that man be, who
will rise up as an advocate of this system of wrong.
He who trains his dogs to hunt foxes, and enjoys-
the hunt or the horse-race on the Sabbath, who
teaches his blood-hounds to follow upon the track of
200 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
the freedom-loving Negro, is not more guilty or
immoral than he who stands in a northern pulpit,
and hunts down the flying fugitive, or urges his
hearers to bind the yoke again upon the neck of the
escaped bondman. He who will lisp one word in
favor of a system which will send blood-hounds
through the forests of Virginia, the Carolinas,
Georgia, Kentucky, and all the South, chasing
human beings (who are seeking the inalienable
rights of all men, "life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness,") possesses no heart ; and that minister
of religion who will do it is unworthy his trust,
knows not what the Gospel teaches, and had better
turn to the heathen for a religion to guide him
nearer the right ; for the heathen in their blindness
have some regard for the rights of others, and sel-
dom will they invade the honor and virtue of their
neighbors, or cause them to be torn in pieces by
infuriated beasts.
Mr. James L. Goltney was a Baptist preacher,
and was employed by Mr. M. B. Harrison to give
religious instruction to his slaves. He often used
the common text: "Servants, obey your masters.''
He would try to make it appear that he knew what
the slaves were thinking of — telling them they
thought they had a right to be free, but he could
tell them better — referring them to some passages of
Scripture. "It is the devil," he would say, "who
tells you to try and be free." And again he bid
them be patient at work, warning them that it would
RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION. 201
be his duty to whip them, if they appeared dissatis-
fied — all which would be pleasing to God ! " If
you run away, you will be turned out of God's
church, until you repent, return, and ask God and
your master's pardon." In this way he would con-
tinue to preach his slave-holding gospel.
This same Goltney used to administer the Lord's
Supper to the slaves. After such preaching, let no
one say that the slaves have the Gospel of Jesus
preached to them.
One of the Baptist ministers was named B. Har-
rison. He owned slaves, and was very cruel to
them. He came to an untimely end. While he
was riding out one afternoon, the report of a gun
was heard, and he was" found dead — his brains
being blown out. It could never be found who
killed him, and so he went to judgment, with all his
sins on his head.
Mr. L. Hanner was a Christian preacher, select-
ing texts like the following : " The Spirit of the
Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me to
preach deliverance to the captives, he hath sent me
to bind up the broken-hearted." But Hanner was
soon mobbed out of Prince George County, and
had to flee for his life, and all for preaching a true
Gospel to colored people.
I did not know of any other denomination where
I lived in Virginia, than the Baptists and Presbyte-
rians. Most of the colored people, and many of the
poorer class of whites, were Baptists.
202 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
SABBATH AND RELIGIOUS MEETINGS.
On the Sabbath, after doing their morning work,
and breakfast over (such as it was), that portion of
the slaves who belong to the church ask of the over-
seer permission to attend meeting. If he is in the
mood to grant their request, he writes them a pass,
as follows : —
" Permit the bearer to pass and repass to , this
evening, unmolested."
Should a pass not be granted, the slave lies down,
and sleeps for the day — the only way to drown his
sorrow and disappointment.
Others of the slaves, who do not belong to the
church, spend their Sabbath in playing with marbles,
and other games, for each other's food, etc.
Some occupy the time in dancing to the music of
a banjo, made out of a large gourd. This is continued
till the after part of the day, when they separate,
and gather wood for their log-cabin fires the ensuing
week.
Not being allowed to hold meetings on the planta-
tion, the slaves assemble in the swamps, out of
reach of the patrols. They have an understanding
among themselves as to the time and place of get-
ting together. This is often done by the first one
arriving breaking boughs from the trees, and bend-
ing them in the direction of the selected spot.
Arrangements are then made for conducting the
exercises. They first ask each other how they feel,
RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION. 203
the state of their minds, etc. The male members
then select a certain space, in separate groups, for
their division of the meeting. Preaching in order,
by the brethren ; then praying and singing all round,
until they generally feel quite happy. The speaker
usually commences by calling himself unworthy, and
talks very slowly, until, feeling the spirit, he grows
excited, and in a short time, there fall to the ground
twenty or thirty men and women under its influence.
Enlightened people call it excitement ; but I wish
the same was felt by everybody, so far as they are
sincere.
The slave forgets all his sufferings, except to
remind others of the trials during the past week,
exclaiming: "Thank God, I shall not live here
always ! " Then they pass from one to another,
shaking hands, and bidding each other farewell,
promising, should they meet no more on earth, to
strive and meet in heaven, where all is joy, happi-
ness and liberty. As they separate, they sing a
parting hymn of praise.
Sometimes the slaves meet in an old log-cabin, when
they find it necessary to keep a watch. If discov-
ered, they escape, if possible ; but those who are
caught often get whipped. Some are willing to be
punished thus for Jesus' sake. Most of the songs
used in worship are composed by the slaves them-
selves, and describe their own sufferings. Thus :
"Oh, that I had a bosom friend,
To tell my secrets to,
204 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
One always to depend upon
In everything I do ! "
" How I do wander, up and down !
I seem a stranger, quite undone;
None to lend an ear to my complaint,
No one to cheer me, though I faint."
Some of the slaves sing —
" No more rain, no more snow,
No more cowskin on my back ! "
Then they change it by singing —
" Glory be to God that rules on high."
In some places, if the slaves are caught praying
to God, they are whipped more than if they had
committed a great crime. The slave-holders will
allow the slaves to dance, but do not want them to
pray to God. Sometimes, when a slave, on being
whipped, calls upon God, he is forbidden to do so,
under threat of having his throat cut, or brains
blown out. Oh, reader! this seems very hard —
that slaves cannot call on their Maker, when the
case most needs it. Sometimes the poor slave takes
courage to ask his master to let him pray, and is
driven away, with the answer, that if discovered
praying, his back will pay the bill.
SEVERING OF FAMILY TIES. 205
CHAPTER IX.
SEVERING OF FAMILY TIES.
|T one time, Mr. George Harrison employed
a vessel to take some of his slaves down
the river, as he wished to sell them. The
vessel came, and anchored off his farm, as an armed
fleet would go to make war upon an enemy's coun-
try. While this vessel was steering off the shore,
the very waves seemed to speak forth in sorrow and
mourning to the dreading slave. Not one word
of warning was given them, until the vessel was
anchored to receive its living freight. Husbands
were thrust on board, leaving their wives behind;
wives were torn from the arms which should have
protected them, and hurried into that living grave;
children were torn shrieking from their parents,
never to see them more ; tender maidens were
dragged from the manly hearts which loved them;
the ardent lover was scoffingly compelled to break
from the entwining arms of his loved one, and bid
a final adieu to all the world held dear to his heart.
206 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
Oh, ye defenders of slavery ! tarry here, place your-
selves here, in the situation of these miserable
beings ! Pro-slavery men and women ! for one
moment only, in imagination, stand surrounded by
your loved ones, and behold them, one by one, torn
from your grasp, or you rudely and forcibly carried
from them — how, think you, would you bear it?
Would you not rejoice if one voice, even, were
raised in your behalf ? Were your wife, the partner
of your bosom, the mother of your babes, thus ruth-
lessly snatched from you, were your beloved chil-
dren stolen before your eyes, would you not think it
sufficient cause for a nation's wail ? Yea, and a
nation's interference! What better are you than
those poor down-trodden children of humanity?
With them, such scenes are constantly transpiring.
Mothers ! while fondling your darling babes in
your arms, and watching, with the eye of a mother's
affection, their little mental dawnings, do you ever
think of the poor slave mother, who, with equal
affection, looks upon her offspring, yet, with a heart
full of agony, prays God to take it to himself, before
the evil day comes, when it must be goaded and
lashed, and then forbidden every consolation of
affection ? Oh, think of her, pray for her, toil for
her?
Fathers ! you who stand before your fellow-men
and uphold this hellish institution, while your
blooming daughters are before you, look at them,
and think ! — in your own land are thousands of
SEVERING OF FAMILY TIES. 207
daughters, as lovely, as much beloved, as yours,
whose parents cannot protect them, whose parents
cannot say, "My daughter! beware of the tempter's
snare ! My daughter ! fly to these arms for protec-
tion ! My daughter ! pour out your sorrows upon
your mother's bosom ; into her listening ear tell
your tale of wrongs ; she will guide, she will com-
fort you ! " No, but they must look tamely on and
witness their degradation ; they must behold them
become the spoiler's prey, and presume not to utter
one word in their behalf. Why ? They are slaves !
the property of free-born American citizens ; and
why should we infringe upon their rights ? Ah,
father ! could you see your daughter in such a situa-
tion and not cry aloud for vengeance ? And what
better are you than the poor slave, whose only sin
is, that his skin is, perhaps, one shade darker than
yours — perhaps not even that ?
Young man ! will you defend slavery ? Will you
cast your vote for a slave-holder ? Think before you
speak; consider well before you act. Could you
have that fair young being you one day hope to call
your wife torn from you, and publicly sold to the
service of a debauchee ? Would you think it too
much to call on the laws of the land for redress ?
Would you think it asking too much to call out the
whole military force of the country to the rescue ?
Ah, no ! And could you restrain yourselves, and
behold the loved forms of your aged parents reeking
with their own blood, drawn forth by one who calls
208 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
himself their master? Indeed, no ! no dungeon deep
and loathsome enough for such an one ; no gibbet too
high to swing him on, as an example to all his kind.
And what better are your loved ones than those mil-
lions of colored suffering brothers and sisters ? Ask
no more, "Why meddle with slavery?" As you
would receive assistance, give it to others.
The vessel to which I have alluded, anchored by
Harrison's estate, was made ready to sail on Sun-
day, that all might witness her departure. Imagina-
tion cannot conceive, nor language describe, those
parting scenes. When all were on board, a dead
silence reigned. No sound, except the harsh voice
of the captain, as he gave his orders, and the coarse
jests of the sailors, was heard. Slowly the vessel
crept along the shore, like some guilty thing, trying
to hide itself from the light of day. Then pealed
forth upon the Sabbath air a cry of woe that rent the
heavens, and was registered there, "Good-by, my
husband!" "Farewell, my wife!" "Good-by,
children ! we must hope to meet in heaven ! " With
shouts like these, they gazed upon each other as
long as the vessel was in sight. Then, indeed, all
was over. "Gone, gone, forever," or "left behind,"
"going, going, farther and farther from the loved
ones," these were the cruel reflections. Some
returned to their deserted cabins, not one loved one
to meet ; some fathers drew around them their little
ones, bereft of a mother's love ; wives sat and wept
alone ; children wandered about without parents,
SEVERING OF FAMILY TIES. 209
or any one to love them. Oh, men with hearts, how
can you be unconcerned and careless regarding this
curse of your country ? Oh, my readers, I wish you
could enter into my feelings, or rather, that my feel-
ings might enter into your souls, on this subject!
God, in His infinite wisdom, created the Ethiopian
race with skins of a darker hue than the European.
He did so with an all-wise purpose ; but was that pur-
pose that they might be subjects of every outrage
from their fellow-men, from generation to gener-
ation ? Oh, surely not ! What crime can it be to be
born with a dark skin. Who is responsible ? The
Creator alone. But who are responsible for the
crimes perpetrated against them ? The slave-holder
and his supporters !
This scene of separation upon the James River,
where all the tenderest ties of the human heart were
sundered, was but one among the very many which
occur daily. Go with the poor bereaved ones the next
morning, as they arise from their disturbed slumbers
to commence the day of toil. The sight of the mas-
ter is gall to their wounded spirits ; they look not
upon the overseer except with absolute horror ; but
if they falter, they must feel the lash. Even the lit-
tle crouching, grieving children, are forbidden to
weep for their dear parents. The lash, the curse,
are their only consolations, except when they can
crawl by themselves, and pour out their woes
into the sympathizing ear of Jesus, their great
Comforter.
210 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
My father was living at the time these slaves of
Harrison were sold. He was one of his drivers, so
he was not sold with them ; but he had two brothers
who were, and with a heavy heart he had to witness
their departure, without daring to say his soul was
his own. Monday, he must return to his disgrace-
ful business of whipping his fellows ; but what could
he do ? He must obey his master, or suffer a worse
penalty than he could inflict upon others. Some
may say, while sitting comfortably among their dear
friends, " We would die before we would be guilty
of beating, at the command of another, our own
kinsmen, perhaps our own children." Ah ! it is easy
to suppose and assert what you would do, while you
are safe ; but you are not a slave ! Your feelings
of generous affection may well take deep root, shoot
upward and flourish ; they are never harrowed up by
the sight of tortures you are unable to prevent,
never trodden upon and crushed into the dust. You
may boast of your manly courage and your willing-
ness to die ; it may be the poor slave-driver would
crave the privilege of dying for his loved ones, but
would it profit those left behind, so long as the lash
and a white overseer remained ? No ! no ! hands
without a heart might use it — there would be no
escape.
Many say the slave on the southern plantation
is the happiest creature alive. They don't know ;
they don't lift the cover; they don't see them always.
I have seen many a white man carry a smiling face
SEVERING OF FAMILY TIES. 211
to the world, when his heart was aching and cank-
ering in wretchedness ; I have heard a merry laugh
from a maniac, whose brain had been crazed by
mental anguish, but I never supposed he was happy ;
and I have told you, in another place, how these
slaves are prepared by rum for company and
spectators.
212 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
CHAPTER X.
COLORED DRIVERS.
|HE colored overseers are not over the
slaves because they wish it, but are so
placed against their will. When they first
commence to lash the backs of their fellows, they
are like soldiers when they first go to the battle-
field; they dread and fear the contest, until they
hear the roaring of the cannon, and smell the pow-
der, and mark the whizzing ball ; then they rush
into the battle, forgetful of all human sympathy
while in fight. So it is with the slave-drivers.
They hear the angry tones of the slave-holder's
voice admonishing them that if they refuse to whip,
they must take it themselves. After receiving the
instructions of their owners, they must forget even
their own wives and children, and do all they can
for "Master" If they do not do this, they must
receive all that would be given the others. In this
manner, their hearts and consciences are hardened,
COLORED DRIVERS. 213
and they become educated to whipping, and lose all
human feeling.
This is the way the slave-holders take to hide
their own wickedness. They say the colored driver
is more cruel than the white overseer, and use this
as an argument against the poor colored man, to
show how cruelly they would treat each other if
they had the power. Pardon me, my readers, if I
say this is an insult to God ; since my own experi-
ence teaches me better. Reader, when they say
that colored drivers are worse than white, the ques-
tion may well be asked, Why is this ? Is it the
fault of the colored people, or is it the fault of the
white man ? Good sense answers to every thinking
mind, and says the poor Negro is not the greatest
transgressor here, but the white men are the tyran-
nical instigators of this wrong.
I have known many instances where slaves were
put to death by the overseers, without any notice
being taken of it by those who administer the laws.
Of course, as the word of a black man is not
received against a white, nothing could be effected,
even if the murderer were arrested. I will give a
few cases that came within my own knowledge.
James Lewis was shot down by an overseer, and
killed. Dick Never was shot down by Owen Wood-
cock, and killed. Ham was shot by Bishop, and
killed. A woman was shot dead by our overseer
Hobbs. Wyatt Lee was shot, but not killed. Wil-
liam Painting was shot.
214 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
These, my readers, are facts, which will speak for
themselves when the great day of reckoning shall
come ; and those black-hearted sinners will surely
be punished, for no sinners escape finally. If the
laws of Virginia and other slave-holding states allow
them to go unscathed, the eternal laws of justice
and right will not.
MENTAL CAPACITY OF THE SLAVE. 215
CHAPTER XL
MENTAL CAPACITY OF THE SLAVE.
UCH is said about the inability of the slaves
to learn anything but drudgery ; that
they are fit for nothing else ; that those
who have ever shown any intellectual power are of
mixed blood, not the pure African. This I deny,
and I will prove that the African is capable of the
highest culture. As a people, how can they be
expected to have enlightened minds, when they are
denied every privilege of learning ? They never have
teachers, books are not within their reach — surely,
they would be wonderful beings, if, amid all their
hardships and privations, they should show them-
selves scholars ! Their ideas of God, heaven and
religion, are very simple and childlike ; but they are
the conceptions of their own uninstructed minds.
The world sees, in the person of Frederick
Douglass, what the son of Ethiopia may become.
He had no advantages in his youth, but now, before
he is old, his fame as an orator has .spread over this
216 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
land, extended itself across the Atlantic, and carried
him to the shores of the old world, where his elo-
quence, intelligence and worth, gained for himself
and family a name which will adorn the pages of his-
tory long after his voice is hushed in death. Had
Douglass been educated in youth, there is not a
statesman on this continent who would have stood
above him.
Then there is Rev. Samuel R. Ward, an unmixed
African, who has made great proficiency in learning.
His powers as a public speaker are truly captivating,
and so ably does he write and speak, that even his
enemies acknowledge him to be a man of uncommon
power.
There is, also, Rev. Henry Highland Garnett, a
son of the same race. He is a scholar, a gentleman
and an orator, as all who have seen and heard him
admit.
These men are but few out of many, and they
prove to the world that the negro is as capable of
high intellectual culture as his Saxon brother.
It must be acknowledged by every historian, that
Ethiopia was once the most civilized nation upon
earth, and that the enlightened nations of the pres-
ent day are indebted to her for many of the arts
of civilization. The people of that country were
the first to work in brass, iron and other metals,
and were really the first to invent writing, for they
used hieroglyphics to express words and ideas,
which no other nation had then done. Let it not be
MENTAL CAPACITY OF TEE SLAVE. 217
said, then, that the Negro cannot be educated. Free
the slaves, give them equal opportunities with the
whites, and I warrant you, they will not fall short
in comparison.
I do protest against this great evil of slavery
in this civilized land of America, and solemnly
appeal to those having authority in behalf of three
millions and a half of my suffering brethren who are
held by the galling yoke of bondage, that this great
evil may be done away, before the retributions of a
God of justice overtake this blackest of sins, and
scathe the sinner root and branch.
I appeal to the Christian Church to lift up its
voice, that it may be heard from shore to shore in
defence of the oppressed.
I appeal to the men of America everywhere to
help this cause.
I appeal to the women of America, that they
plead for their suffering sisters, toiling and weeping
under cruel task-masters in the sunny South.
I appeal to little children, that they remember in
their prayers those little colored brothers and sisters
who are robbed of their parents, have no homes for
their weary little frames, no affection to make life
lovely to them, no one to teach them and guide
them to the Fountain of all Truth.
I appeal to high Heaven to listen to the heart-
breaking cries of the captive Negro, and pray the
great Jehovah to soften the hard hearts of the many
Pharoahs, that they may let the people go free !
218 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
CHAPTER XII.
THE BLOOD OF THE SLAVE.
||HE blood of the slave cries unto God from
the ground, and it calls loudly for vengeance
on his adversaries.
The blood of the slave cries unto God from the
rice swamps.
The blood of the slave cries unto God from the
cotton plantations.
The blood of the slave cries unto God from the
tobacco farms.
The blood of the slave cries unto God from the
sugar fields.
The blood of the slave cries unto God from the
corn fields.
The blood of the slave cries unto God from the
whipping-post.
The blood of the slave cries unto God from the
auction-block.
The blood of the slave cries unto God from the
gallows.
THE BLOOD OF THE SLAVE. 219
The blood of the slave cries unto God from the
hunting-dogs that run down the poor fugitive.
The blood of men, women and babes cries unto
God from Texas to Maine. Wherever the Fugitive
Slave Law reaches, the voice of its victims is heard.
The mighty God, the great Jehovah, speaks to the
consciences of men, and says, " Let my people go
free!" And the slave-holder answers, "Who is
Jehovah, that I should obey him ?" Then the Anti-
Slavery voice is heard, calling, "Awake! Awake!
and cry aloud against this great evil; lift up your
voice like a trumpet, and show the people their sins,
and the nation its guilt. Pray that God may have
mercy upon us. Oh, forgive us this great evil —
the evil of selling, whipping, and killing men,
women and children ! Oh, God of justice ! give us
hearts and consciences to feel the deep sorrow of
this great evil that we have so long indulged
in ! Lo ! we have sinned against Heaven ; we have
sinned against light — against the civilized world.
We have sinned against that declaration which our
fathers put forth to the world, 'All men were cre-
ated equal.' Oh, God ! forgive us this great sin !
Oh, let this prayer be heard ! "
"WHERE IS THY BROTHER?"
BY MRS. E. L. FOLLEN.
" What mean ye, that ye bruise and bind
My people ? " eaith the Lord ;
" And starve your craving brother's mind,
Who asks to hear my word ?
220 SKETCHES OF SLAVE LIFE.
" What mean ye, that ye make them toil
Through long and hopeless years;
And shed, like rain, upon your soil,
Their blood and bitter tears ?
" What mean ye, that ye dare to rend
The tender mother's heart?
Brother from sister, friend from friend,
How dare ye bid them part ?
" What mean ye, when God's bounteous hand
To you so much has given,
That from the slave that tills your land,
Ye keep both earth and heaven ? "
When, at the Judgment, God shall call,
" Where is thy brother ? " — say !
What mean ye to the Judge of all
To answer, on that day?
'■ '''^"^'■''V'''"^''' ■■■ :; X;'-'';'- '
.'■>,'■: cv\ .•'^•\>N'\.^ ■>'
alii
" Profoundly Interesting."- Boston Evening Transcript.
From Slave Cabin to Pulpit.
The Thrilling Story of
BONDAGE * AND * FREEDOM
By Rev Peter Randolph,
From rev. A. A. Miner, D. D., boston,
Every age has its marvels. Fifty years ago the world
opened its eyes in view of the authorship of the Lowel!
Slave Cabin to Pulpit is not the work of a youth trained in
the schools of New England, as had been the authors of
the Lowell Offering, but of one who was raised in a slave
cabin in Virginia. At 27 he came North with sixty-five
others, being perhaps the best-educated man in the company.
He soon entered the pulpit as a Baptist minister and is now
widely known and honored as Rev. Peter Randolph. Count-
ing me among his friends, he jocosely asked me if I would
come down and read his book. I smiled and assured him
I would come up to that work with great pleasure. I have
redeemed my pledge and row invite every friend of the
colored man to procure a copy, make himself familiar with
his experience, and gain what may be called a ""working
view " of slave life and of plantation law and morals. The
result will be a quicker sense of the value of justice among
all the races of humanity.
A. A. Miner.
< Mtn.-t: nf Tri- \u>\ [■ Tkmi'i.e kindly put in niv hands th<-
I'.Ai'i'isr Ciu'rcii. other rlav. namely, " From
Mi >\ 1 '['KM 1'
IK
C ileum.
st heartily
to
took written
In-
1 desire most heartily to Slave ( abin to Pulpit," and 1
lonimend the hook written by wisn '" record my thanks for
me old friend, Rev. Peter Kan' ,lle same. In writing it you
dolph, giving an account of his ll;,ve cIone a ver>' important
Ufe from the cabin of the slave work for l?"th colored and
to the pulpit of Christ's free- vvhite humanity. I am sure
man. The volume is not only "° "l1e can read '- "ithout a
instructive hut inspiring, and deeper sense of the wrongs
its purchase will be of service done to your race- aiK' a livelier
to an old and faithful preacher sellst; of the responsibility rest-
of the gospel. lnS 011 l'le iratir>n to atone for
them hy every means in its
power.
<".lo. C. Lukimi
Faithfully yours,
Re v. G. YV Portev..
From Slave Cabin to Pulpit.
Port of ]!<>s ii >N, M\ss.
Appraiser's Office.
It ought to be read by all Lkicestkr, Mass.
who are interested in humanity, j have known Rev. Peter
and I would especially recom- Randolph e\er since he first
mend it to young men as an came from slavery in Virginia
example of what can he accom to j;osLOn, and my knowledge
phshed toward a higher and of him has made me ever more
more useful life, under the most and nl0re ashamed of the white
trying and discouraging circum- pe0ple of this country, who
stances, could hy custom and law force
Fk I'liKkKK A. Kknt. such a man to he a slave, and
deprive him of education and
ISarrk, Mass., every right. Mis habitual in
I or a plantation production clustry, patience and upright
it is trulv wonderful. It shows ness since he came to boston
what the human mind can do, have 'x*11 exemplary, and
of itself and hy itself, aided would do honor to people of
only hy Nature and Nature's far greater advantages. The
God; or the spirit and power sIO!7 of his life and experience
of reason and conscience in a whi';h he cal,s "From Slave
human soul. Cabin to Pulpit," will prove in
sincerely and truly yours. structive in many ways to us
., ,, and to our children, and its
purchase is commended to all
Concord, N.H. peVsons as a deed of well-mer
ited helpfulness, to one who has
la xiNHKioN, Mass. |lorne his liard )()t jn a spirit
R'-\. I'M Ik l\A \ IXUJ'JI, horn of the gospel which he
I ha\e read with extreme has preached.
intere-t the hook which viu «j Swtl'Kl. May.
From the President of
The Shoe and Leather
National Bank.
Dear Friend Randolph,
I have read your book en-
titled " From Slave Cabin to
Pulpit" with a great deal of in-
terest.
I have been acquainted with
you from the time of your first
arrival in Boston from Virginia,
and in all my long acquaintance
have known you to be a great
help to your people both in
Boston and elsewhere.
J. C. Elms.
Rev. Peter Randolph,
My Dear Friend,
I have read, with great inter-
est, your book "From Slave
Cabin to Pulpit." I congratu-
late you upon having com-
pleted a volume containing so
much valuable information.
I know of no one more com-
petent to give an accurate anc'
faithful history of the ante-
bellum period, m so far as the
condition and treatment of the
slaves are concerned; and your
own part in striving so earnestly
and bravely to mitigate their
sufferings, must afford you a
great measure of satisfaction
and comfort, remembering that
" Insamuch as ye have done it
unto one of the least of these,
my brethren, ye have done it
unto Me."
Wishing you every success,
I remain, sincerely yours,
Chas. L. Andrews.
Boston, Mass.
I have read " From the Slave
Cabin to the Pulpit" with great
interest. The facts and inci-
dents you relate, coming as they
do from your own experience,
are well worth recording; the
institution of slavery has passed
away, but its baleful influences
still linger, and your well written
narrative shows the poison in
the system that it has been so
hard to eradicate from the
body politic. This account of
your life ought to be read by
every young man, as a lesson
showing the possibility of ac-
quiring education, and living a
useful and honorable life, no
matter what are the early dis-
advantages. The sale of this
book ought to be large.
Yours respectfully,
C. J. Bishop.
Rev. Peter Randolph,
I have just finished reading
your valuable book, " From the
Slave Cabin to the Pulpit," and
after recalling some of the
principal anti-slavery works and
the great good that resulted
from them when our country-
was a vast slave-pen, I cannot
refrain from thinking that the
Great Father of us all has se-
lected you, as he did men in
other days, to be an instrument
for his use in arousing the peo-
ple of this guilty nation to a
sense of the duty they owe to
the colored people in the South.
I thank you for the vindica-
tion of the race, in the very
fact that you could and have
sent to the world such evi-
dence as your book contains,
of the capacity of a member
of our race, born in slavery and
held in such until he was over
twenty-seven years of age. I
wish that your book could be
read by every ni.in and woman names of prominent men of
in the land. today.
Kdwin' G. Walker.
[loom the l'.ostnn Courant.]
1'umi the llostun Kvcmna; Transcript The life of Rev. Randolph is
From Slave Cabin to Pulpit. one of peculiar interest MTom
Slave Lamn to lulpit opens
- From Slave Cabin to I'ul- with his life on the Southern
pit" is the title which Mr. farm. Kvcii at this age the
Randolph gives to his inten-st- loocI man seems to have had
ing autobiography, in which he prescience of the great future
outlines his early life under a in store for him. The story of
bitter oppression, and recalls the death of his parents and
later days when his freedom its effect upon him, portrayed
had been obtained and he was in the first chapter, is pathetic
working for the freedom of his in the extreme; and few coidd
race. The chapters dealing read it without letting fall a
with a phase that is past are tear of jov that the institution
profoundly interesting, reveal- which then existed has passed
ing all the horrors of slavery : away. lie was well acquainted
those that touch on the race with all the old Abolitionists,
question now demanding the and the pen pictures given of
attention of every citizen of them and theii work in his book
the United States, are written are well worth studying. Ee-
with a keen perception f,f the sides these, J >r. Randolph knew
complications the situation of- and was on intimate terms
fers, and are wisely suggestive with all the leading colored
in tone. Mr. Randolph has men of his day. " Slavery is
been intimate with many noted dead," says our author, but the
liostonians in the past, and rising generation will ask what
counts in his list of friends the it was.
FROM SLAVE CABIN TO PULPIT
is published in one handsome t:mo volume, bound in fine silk
(doth, ornamented in gold and color, with fine portrait of Mr.
Randolph, made especially for this work.
PRICE, $1.00. Mailed postpaid on receipt of price.
Asjvnts wanted in every locality.
Orders may be sent direct to Pev. Peter Randolph, or to
JAMES H. EARLE, Publisher,
178 Washington Street, BOSTON, MASS,
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